Commercial Tech Funding Baked in to Space Force Budget, Officials Say

Commercial Tech Funding Baked in to Space Force Budget, Officials Say

The Space Force’s $71 billion fiscal 2027 budget request includes about $2.5 billion for commercial services like satellite communications and off-the-shelf capabilities, but officials say commercial components and technology are embedded throughout programs, making the true allocation much higher. 

The service has been at the forefront of a larger Pentagon shift toward leveraging private sector investments in defense technology to develop and field systems faster and in larger numbers. In 2024, the Space Force issued its first Commercial Space Strategy, which called for the development of more hybrid government-commercial architectures. Last year, acquisition officials took that a step further, directing program offices to consider how and whether their requirements could be met purely with commercial capabilities. 

The fruits of those efforts, according to SSC Commander Lt. Gen. Philip Garrant, are evident in acquisition strategies that have been reworked to factor in off-the-shelf technology, in solicitations that specifically seek commercial solutions, and in contract awards to nontraditional firms.  

“What you’re seeing is what I would call the normalization of ‘commercial first,’” he told reporters April 14 at the annual Space Symposium in Colorado Springs. “The acquisition strategies are reflecting that, you’re seeing it in some of the recent solicitations. There’s still pockets of, I’ll call it seed corn, that are absolutely dedicated to commercial. But in general, you’re seeing the programs look to commercial first.”

The Space Force’s budget, which the White House rolled out in early April, requests funding for a handful of dedicated commercial initiatives, but on its face, doesn’t reflect a meaningful increase in spending in these areas. A service spokesperson told Air & Space Force’s Magazine that those funding lines offer a glimpse, but not a complete picture, of how the service is investing in private sector technology. Essentially, they said, the more embedded it is within programs, the harder it is to quantify the total investment. 

“Commercial integration falls along a continuum whereby every USSF mission set now seeks to integrate commercial capability into its plans for future programs, in accordance with recent guidance to pursue commercial-first acquisition approaches,” the spokesperson said. “The challenge is showing that a certain percentage of a system, satellite, or capability is commercial tech versus custom built for the government. In reality, many of these systems are a mix of the two.”

Indeed, Lt. Col. Tim Trimailo, who leads the Space Force’s Commercial Space Office, or COMSO, said that while the impact of the Space Force’s emphasis on leveraging commercially available technology may not be immediately visible, it’s happening both through his office and, more importantly, throughout the space acquisition enterprise.

In an interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine, he pointed to the Space Force’s recent selection of a vendor pool to compete for a program called Andromeda, or RG-XX, which aims to field a fleet of small spacecraft to monitor geosynchronous orbit and augment the legacy Geosynchronous Space Situational Awareness Program. Earlier this month, SSC chose a mix of 14 small and large firms to compete for task orders worth up to $1.8 billion. Those companies offer a mix of commercial-off-the-shelf solutions, including payloads, buses and other subsystems. 

“I think Andromeda is a good example of that, of taking your venture-backed companies and leveraging some of those COTS components and putting those things together,” Trimailo said. 

He also highlighted the Small Business Innovative Research and Small Business Technology Transfer Research programs, which provide seed funding for firms whose capabilities could benefit government agencies. For the Space Force, the program has helped create a needed bridge between innovative companies and the military’s complex acquisition bureaucracy. The service budgets about $500 million each year for these programs. 

COMSO itself is funded through a dedicated commercial services budget line, which dropped from about $168 million in fiscal ‘26 appropriations to just $23 million in the Space Force’s fiscal ‘27 request. Since 2024, Congress has added funding to the commercial services account above what the Space Force has requested. That has supported key efforts for Trimailo’s office, including the Commercial Augmentation Space Reserve, which is building a pool of commercial providers who can provide satellite capacity during peacetime and in conflict. Last year, it helped fund a key effort called Tactical Surveillance, Reconnaissance, and Tracking, which provides space-based ISR capabilities to combatant commands. 

Trimailo noted that while that funding helps fuel COMSO projects, the goal is doe those efforts and the associated resources to transition to program offices, not remain under his purview.

“It really is sort of an incubator or pilot for a lot of the efforts that we think might be able to contribute to future programs of record or future major mission area operational capability delivery,” he said. “When they’re ready to graduate and become a real thing, then they should move into those other program elements. … If our office is executing those activities henceforth, we’ve kind of failed.”

Sabbaticals for Pilots? Lawmakers Eye Extra Incentives Amid Manning Shortfall

Sabbaticals for Pilots? Lawmakers Eye Extra Incentives Amid Manning Shortfall

New bipartisan legislation would let the Air Force offer more aviators bigger bonuses—plus other incentives, including a new “career intermission” program—to remain in the service.

Sen. Ted Budd (R-N.C.) and Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) spearheaded a legislative package, including two bills designed to retain Air Force aviators: the Retention Enhancements for Tactical Aircrew Initiative, or RETAIN, and and the Fighter Aircrew Career Flexibility Act. 

The RETAIN bill focuses on aviation incentive pay and the Rated Officer Retention Demonstration program. It would: 

  • Mandate the maximum $1,500 per month in aviation incentive pay aviators with more than eight years of experience
  • Expand eligibility for the career flexibility demonstration to include aviators with less than a year left on their contract and reduce the minimum commitment participants must agree to from four years to one 
  • Increase the maximum cash bonus for demo participants from $50,000 to $100,000 
  • Add non-financial incentives, such as the ability to “perform a staff assignment that does not require flying remotely” or transferring to a “non-combat aviation service position,” to the program 

The bill would also extend the demonstration by three years, keeping it operating through 2031. 

The Air Force has been striving to improve aviator retention for years. It is now trying to fix the program from both ends, increasing pilot training throughput and now retaining more trained aviators, as well.  

Budget documents released this week note that aircraft personnel levels are projected to decline slightly in 2026, to 88.5 percent compared to 91.9 percent in 2025. The shortfall is particularly acute for combat aviators, with the bomber and fighter communities both estimated to be below 70 percent in 2027. 

“While individual manning numbers for each community are an important metric, the overall pilot manning level must be considered as a certain number of pilot billets are interchangeable,” the document states. “Overall manning drops substantially year-over-year.” 

The new budget projects about 6,550 aviators will receive bonuses in 2027, up slightly from 6,333 this fiscal year, but well short of 2026 projections, which had estimated 10,000 aviator bonuses.  

Similarly, the Air Force is estimating a small increase in the number of officers who receive Aviation Incentive Pay in fiscal 2027, leading to an increase in the budget from $172 million to $184 million. 

Matt Donovan, former Undersecretary and Acting Secretary of the Air Force and F-15 pilot, said money alone won’t be enough to close the shortfalls.  

“You can pay people any amount of money, but flyers want to fly,” Donovan told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “And from what I understand … they’re getting about half the number of sorties and half the number of hours that they were getting even 10, 15 years ago. So if flyers aren’t flying, they’re going to go someplace where they can fly, especially the younger guys, the captains and majors.” 

Sabbaticals? 

Air Force officials counter that retention is not just about flying more, but rather can be a family matter. 

That’s the idea behind Budd’s and Shaheen’s second bill. Cosponsored by Sens. Angus King (I-Maine), Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.), Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), and Tim Kaine (D-Va.), the measure seeks to address the need for family time by altering the rules to allow for career “intermissions.”  

The bill would let Airmen who have completed Undergraduate Pilot Training or Undergraduate Navigator Training and are not tasked for a deployment to request a break from Active-Duty for four to 12 months. During this “intermission” period, participating aviators would be placed in the Individual Ready Reserve—meaning that in time of war they could be recalled—draw a fractional salary and retain access to some benefits.

In exchange, they would incur two months of additional service commitment for every month they took off. A wing commander would have to approve the leave.

The bill prohibits protects participants from suffering any ill effects as a result of their break.  

All the service branches allow a little-known Career Intermission Program of from one to three years, but over the course of such a lengthy layoff, flying skills erode, and getting back to currency is much harder.  

The proposed shorter-term demonstration would remain in effect for five years, the bill states, long enough to determine if it achieves the desired effect: “reduce early separations and preserve experienced fighter aircrew … for air staff positions and leadership roles in the active component.”

Donovan was skeptical unless changes are also made to the Air Force’s rated officer management system.

“These sort of schemes have been tried before,” he said. “They don’t work very well because … the rated management system isn’t set up for people to just decide where they want to go and go do it.”

SOCOM Cuts Back on Skyraider, Wants 100 Small Drones to Pair with MQ-9s

SOCOM Cuts Back on Skyraider, Wants 100 Small Drones to Pair with MQ-9s

U.S. Special Operations Command is shifting its aviation plans to favor more drone swarms and fewer militarized crop-dusters, according to its fiscal 2027 budget request. 

According to budget documents released this month, the combatant command is once more scaling back its planned purchases of the OA-1K Skyraider II to just 53 aircraft in total. That’s down from the 62 aircraft previously budgeted and the 75 aircraft originally envisioned for SOCOM’s Armed Overwatch program. 

For 2027 in particular, SOCOM is proposing to buy just two OA-1Ks, down from six in 2026 and 12 in 2025. 

The idea behind Armed Overwatch was to buy a rugged aircraft that could perform the light attack, close air support, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions previously fulfilled by several different aircraft types, particularly for counterinsurgency operations. In 2022, SOCOM selected L3Harris’ AT-802U Sky Warden as the program’s winner—the aircraft is a converted Air Tractor AT-802 crop-duster, with a single engine, turboprop, and a tailwheel.  

While SOCOM is buying the OA-1K, the planes will be in the Air Force’s inventory. The original contract with L3Harris was worth up to $3 billion for the full fleet of 75 aircraft. 

Critics have questioned the need for that many OA-1Ks, given the U.S. military’s shift to prioritize operations in the Indo-Pacific, where airspace is expected to be far more contested. The Government Accountability Office in particular suggested in late 2023 that SOCOM might need a “substantially smaller” fleet based on its requirements. 

Air Force Special Operations Command boss Lt. Gen. Michael E. Conley has defended the OA-1K, though, arguing that special ops forces will “figure out novel ways that it will be relevant in the future fight as well as the current one” and that the counterinsurgency mission isn’t going away anytime soon. And SOCOM has been careful to note in its budget requests that it is reducing the budgeted fleet size, not the  “program of record”—the official requirement for the fleet size. 

A command spokesperson did not immediately respond to a query, but the 2027 budget request notes that the latest cut to 53 aircraft “reflects the strategic reallocation of resources to support [SOCOM] evolving priorities.” 

Budget documents now show plans to reach just $1.35 billion in procurement spending, ending with four aircraft purchased in 2028 and two in 2029. 

MQ-9 Motherships 

While SOCOM is scaling back its plans for the OA-1K, the command is surging its efforts to turn the MQ-9 Reaper into a drone “mothership” surrounded by smaller unmanned systems. 

Air Force Special Operations Command has been exploring the idea through an effort it calls the Adaptive Airborne Enterprise, or A2E. The goal is to transition the MQ-9 from its traditional strike and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions to become a mobile control center for a network of small drones which can form an “expansive sensing grid” to find targets or create communications pathways for special operators deep in the battlespace. 

That effort is poised to kick into high gear in 2027; SOCOM is requesting $75.8 million for the MQ-9, more than triple the $24.9 million it got for 2026. Almost all of that increase is going toward A2E, with plans to spend nearly $48 million on: 

  • 93 “Group 2” drones  
  • 10 “Group 3” drones 
  • 16 swarm carrier pods 
  • Five ground system interfaces for human-machine teaming 

Group 2 drones weigh no more than 55 pounds and operate 3,500 feet above ground level. Group 3 drones weigh up to 1,320 pounds and can operate up to 18,000 feet. Both fly at less than 250 knots. 

Budget documents note that the Group 2 drones will be “air-launched effects” used for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. The Air Force awarded a $50 million contract last year for one such system in Anduril Industries’ ALTIUS 600, but other options could be on the table. 

The Group 3 drones, meanwhile, will be “signature managed,” meaning they have been designed to reduce their electromagnetic footprint. Last year, the Air Force conducted market research on such drones to see if they could serve as command-and-control or data relay nodes for drone swarms. 

It’s unclear exactly how many Group 2 or 3 drones the Air Force or SOCOM want to pair with each MQ-9, but the 2027 plan represents a major increase over the 2026 budget, when the combatant command said it wanted to buy 29 Group 2 drones. 

And looking further down the road, it appears SOCOM is preparing for a steady stream of such spending, with projections showing more than $50 million for the MQ-9 program every year from fiscal 2028 to 2031. 

Netherlands Funds Two CCAs in New Partnership with US Air Force

Netherlands Funds Two CCAs in New Partnership with US Air Force

The Netherlands has agreed to fund the purchase of two of the first Collaborative Combat Aircraft being developed for the U.S. Air Force, under a “landmark” international partnership inked before the semi-autonomous drones are even fully developed.

The U.S. Air Force announced the partnership formed with the Netherlands Ministry of Defense on April 23, and said it will move forward both nations’ shared strategy to create “affordable mass” capabilities that can deter and defeat adversaries at a relatively lower cost than traditional crewed fighters.

USAF said under the collaboration with the Royal Netherlands Air Force, the partners will work together to develop autonomous capabilities that are based on an open architecture system, and will allow seamless data sharing and be interoperable with partners in combined operations.

“The future fight will be fought [in collaboration] with allies and partners,” Air Force Secretary Troy Meink said in an April 23 statement. “By aligning our approaches early, we ensure interoperability and shared advantage in the era of human-machine teaming.”

The Air Force has said it is pursuing a fleet of 1,000 CCAs—advanced unmanned aircraft designed to fly semi-autonomously in collaboration with crewed fighters such as the F-22, F-35 or F-47. CCAs would become a means of expanding combat capacity at a cost below that of adding more manned fighter jets. The drones could be equipped for a variety of missions, such as strike, reconnaissance, or electronic warfare.

An Air Force spokesperson said in an email to Air & Space Forces Magazine that the two CCAs acquired by the Dutch could be either the General Atomics YFQ-42A or Anduril Industries’ YFQ-44A, or one of each. Those CCAs will be delivered to USAF’s Experimental Operations Unit at Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada. 

Dutch airmen will learn how best to operate CCAs along with the U.S. Air Force at the EOU, which is part of Air Combat Command and is now flying CCAs to develop tactics, techniques, and procedures during the development process to ease the drones’ adoption into operational units. The Air Force said the EOU will help create “a tight feedback loop between the warfighter and developer” and allow the service to refine autonomous systems in realistic scenarios, demonstrating safe and effective ways for humans and machines to work together.

The YFQ-42 and YFQ-44 make up “increment one” of the CCA program. Other aircraft, such as Northrop Grumman’s Talon drone, dubbed the YFQ-48A, could be funded in subsequent increments.

“CCA will fundamental change how we project air power,” said Col. Timothy Helfrich, the portfolio acquisition executive for fighters and advanced aircraft, in the statement. “Working with trusted allies allows us to field the capabilities more effectively. The collaboration on open architecture-based autonomous platforms is critical to ensuring our forces are interoperable and ready for combined operations.”

We’ll Bring You Home: USAF’s Unwritten Contract with Every Combat Pilot

We’ll Bring You Home: USAF’s Unwritten Contract with Every Combat Pilot

When a U.S. F-15E Strike Eagle was shot down over Iran and its pilot and weapons systems officer ejected into unfriendly territory in early April, rescue personnel immediately sprang into action. Crews focused on where the Airmen went down, listening for signals and looking for evidence that they had survived, and rescue helicopters swarmed and scanned for their possible landing sites.  

When Airmen eject, the mission is clear: America leaves no warrior behind. Airmen are trained to survive, evade, resist, and escape the enemy, and everyone from ground crew to rescue personnel and commanders are committed to doing everything necessary—and possible—to bring downed Airmen home.  

For two former Airmen in particular, the roughly 48 hours between the shootdown and the rescue of the second Airman brought back memories—sometimes uncomfortable—of trying to survive after being shot down in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Former Air Force Capt. Scott O’Grady and retired Air Force Gen. David L. Goldfein each ejected from an F-16 during 1990s conflicts with Serbia, O’Grady in 1995, and Goldfein in 1999.  

In the 27 years since then, throughout near continuous wars, no other American Airmen had found themselves in similar straits until April 2026. And during that time, attitudes, investment, and planning for future combat search and rescue has undergone periodic reassessments as Air Force planners consider the future of warfare and the challenges of rescuing downed Airmen under fire.  

Rescuing DUDE 44  

Within hours of the F-15’s April 3 shootdown, Air Force combat search and rescue forces mustered 21 military aircraft and dozens of Airmen, flying into Iran for a daring daylight mission to rescue the jet’s pilot, call sign DUDE 44A. Miles away, weapons systems officer DUDE 44B was unable to come out of hiding and could only watch as his crewmate caught a ride out of trouble.  

Now came the hard part. Over the next day and a half, as DUDE 44B—the WSO—continued to hide, Iranian TV broadcasters announced a bounty for his capture and U.S. and Iranian operators scrambled to get to him first.  

The joint force team that ultimately secured his safety, directed by the Joint Special Operations Command, included Air Force A-10 attack jets, HC-130 combat rescue airlifters, and HH-60W rescue helicopters, plus other aircraft. Resistance and other difficulties ensued. By the time the operation was done, two MC-130s and two Army MH-6 helicopters would become stranded in soft Earth and have to be destroyed and an A-10 would be struck by anti-aircraft fire and have to be ditched, though in friendly territory.  

All that added up to a material loss of at least $300 million, and possibly far more. But they’d saved the life of DUDE 44B.  

Reflecting on the rescue later, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine praised the rescuers for their tenacity, grit, and courage and said their heroism proved “yet again that the United States of America and our joint force will always place more value in humans than we ever will in hardware.” 

‘It’s a Race’ 

When retired Gen. David Goldfein learned the F-15E had been shot down over Iran in April, he could imagine what the DUDE44 Airmen were going through. Almost exactly 27 years earlier, on May 2, 1999, Goldfein’s F-16 collided with a surface-to-air missile over Serbia. Before long, he was descending through the sky, his plane gliding to the ground beneath him and his parachute opening overhead.  

“It’s a race, right?” Goldfein said. “The race is on between who gets to them first. It was the same in my situation.” 

Former Air Force Capt. Scott O’Grady also knew the feeling. Recalling the recent shootdown just days after it happened, O’Grady said he looked to heaven for the Airmen’s rescue. “I prayed for them, for their safety, and for their health and their lives,” he said. 

O’Grady’s F-16 was shot down 47 months to the day before Goldfein’s, on June 2, 1995, by a Soviet-made SA-6 surface-to-air missile fired by Serbian troops during the Bosnian war. 

“Missile impact was very violent—it came with very little warning,” O’Grady remembered. The aircraft split in two. “I thought I was dead. But I still reached the ejection handle. I came out actually parallel with the horizon. Debris was flying all around me.” 

Burning jet fuel seared his clothes and skin. His parachute opened in slow motion, the seconds feeling like minutes as he made his descent. 

“I literally could see the greeting party and their troop carrier and two other vehicles matching my drift rate across the ground,” O’Grady recalls now. “I knew they weren’t just driving up the highway They were driving up to try to reach me when I landed.”

O’Grady found a hide site almost as soon as he hit the ground. “You go right to your training on what you need to do,” he said. Serb forces swarmed the area, treading within “six feet from me.” He shut off his radio so it couldn’t give him away and managed to evade capture for the next six days.  

Air Force Capt. Scott “Zulu” O’Grady, an F-16 pilot who was shot down over Bosnia in 1995, stands with some of his U.S. Marine rescuers aboard the USS Kearsarge the day after his June 8 rescue. Left to right: Capt. Paul “Tuna” Fortunato, CH-53E pilot; O’Grady; Capt. Jim “Lefty” Wright, CH-53E pilot; unidentified Marine from 24th Marine Expeditionary Unit Marine in fatigues; Capt. Paul “Oldie” Oldenburg, CH-53E pilot. (Photo courtesy of Capt. Scott O’Grady)

“What people don’t realize is that downed pilots or aircrew members become political pawns,” O’Grady said. As media reports the story, people back home hang on every bit of news. Capturing an American is a big win for a smaller military, and adversaries have learned over the years how to manipulate media coverage and public angst, as they seek to use captured service members to even their odds against the mighty United States.  

In the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, Army Master Sergeant Gary Gordon and Sergeant First Class Randy Shughart were killed after fast-roping down out of a helicopter to defend its surviving pilot, Chief Warrant Officer Mike Durant, against enemy gunfire. Americans watched in horror as the slain Delta Force Soldiers were dragged through the city’s streets. Durant was captured and held prisoner for 11 days. The disaster would ultimately lead to the withdrawal of American forces from Somalia just five months later.  

“What kind of impact did it have when … their mutilated bodies—naked and stripped—were dragged in front of the cameras?” O’Grady asked. “That had an impact of an image in every single household in America that then had a propaganda impact on the will and the heart to stay in the fight.” 

The stakes in an operation soar when an American pilot goes down, others agree. Retired Air Force Col. Brandon Losacker spent his career as an HH-60G Pave Hawk weapons officer and CSAR team member, and suggested the entire outcome of Operation Epic Fury might have tilted had the rescue missions to save the pilot and WSO DUDE failed. 

“CSAR is a strategic mission,” he said. “Imagine the world that we would be in right now if our CSAR and the SOF personnel recovery missions had failed, and the Iranians had our downed crew. What would that have done to the president’s decision space? We would be in a totally different world.” 

Sacred Trust 

Goldfein’s rescue was a quicker and—for a while at least—somewhat quieter operation than the F-15 crew’s recovery. He was on the ground for a few hours, dodging both landmines and Serbian patrols, and recalled that Serb forces didn’t know exactly where he was until the extraction effort began.  

But once they did, he said, “it got pretty exciting.” Two pararescuemen and a combat controller jumped out of an HH-60 Pave Hawk to grab Goldfein, who had emerged dirty and exhausted from his creek bed cover. As the sun rose on that early May morning, they hustled the pilot into their helicopter as “the enemy opened fire and started trying to take us out.” 

This is where rescue crews’ dedication comes into play, Goldfein said. “If you’re in a helicopter in the daytime over enemy territory, you’re pretty vulnerable.”  

To this day, he celebrates each May 2 by sending bottles of Scotch annually to the units that helped save him. But more than that, he became close friends with his rescuers, in some cases helping them through challenges of their own, such as post-traumatic stress and substance abuse problems.  

Retired U.S. Air Force Chief Master Sgt. Jeremy Hardy reunites with Gen. David Goldfein, Chief of Staff of the U.S. Air Force, before Goldfein delivers a keynote address to current and former Civil Air Patrol members at the 2019 Spaatz Association Mid-Winter Dinner and Awards Gala, March 2, 2019, in Arlington, Virginia. Hardy is a former CAP cadet who went on to become a pararescue chief and was the team leader who, in 1999, helped rescue Goldfein after his F-16 was shot down in Serbia. U.S. Air Force Auxiliary photo by Lt. Col. Robert Bowden

Likewise, O’Grady remains close to the 61 Marines who participated in his rescue, saying they “became my instant brothers.” 

O’Grady’s six days on the ground were long and slow. His wingman hadn’t seen his parachute open and as the days ticked by, some U.S. forces began to doubt he had survived the strike.  

“You have to have something that you want to live for, you have to have a belief, and you have to have trust,” O’Grady said. “For me, that belief came in my faith. What I wanted to live for was my family and to return to them, and the trust was I knew my brothers in all service branches, both men and women and most importantly, the American people, were not going to forget me. They were going to make sure I came home.” 

In every case, from O’Grady’s to Goldfein’s to DUDE 44, the rescues went far beyond one service, involving the entire joint force and even CIA engagement in the case of DUDE 44.  

In Iran, the CIA helped with an intricate misdirection play to throw Iranian personnel off the trail while the rescue and extraction was underway, while special operations forces held off Iranians closing in on the downed WSO on the ground. Space Force Guardians and intelligence analysts gathered data and worked to verify the emergency beacon they were tracking was in the pilot’s hands, not someone else’s.  

“It’s not surprising at all to me that all of government stopped what it was doing, and applied whatever they could to the team,” Goldfein said. The rescue was a national effort. 

Goldfein said it took him time to fully understand all that had gone into extracting him from the combat theater. “Until I got back and got a chance to talk to several different groups, I had no idea how many organizations across government were all focused that night on helping get me home,” Goldfein said. “It’s just who we are.” 

Even now, 27 years later, Goldfein continues to discover new contributors to his rescue. “I met someone in the airport, no lie, about a month ago, who walked up to me and said ‘Are you Gen. Goldfein?’ I said, ‘Yeah, but I’ve got a new call sign, just Dave now.’ [And he said,] ‘I was the boom operator on the KC-135 during your rescue. I refueled the whole team of aircraft that was up there, for the whole night, getting you out.’” 

CSAR in the Future  

New technology made a difference for DUDE 44, including bespoke technology that enabled the rescue team to pick up the WSO’s beating heart from miles away. “Every rescue advances the technology, the tactics, and the procedures,” Goldfein said. “I had some firsts, in terms of technology, on mine.”  

But the losses endured in the second DUDE 44 rescue could be too great if numerous pilots were down at the same time. In the Vietnam era, shootdowns were common, and rescues were comparatively frequent, though hundreds of the prisoners in North Vietnam’s notorious Hanoi Hilton prison were Airmen who weren’t able to hide long enough to evade capture.  

“There’s not a commander in the world that doesn’t want combat rescue sitting on the end of the ramp waiting to go for their guys,” said retired Col. Russell Cook, former commander of the 347th Rescue Wing

But those capabilities are hard-won, O’Grady said. “There are special skill sets that are needed, and special capabilities that other units are not necessarily going to dedicate themselves to as that’s their primary mission,” he added. “These CSAR guys are willing to put it all on the line to go save someone else’s life, and that’s their joy, their mission and their purpose.” 

Yet in recent years, questions have lingered about whether the U.S. would be able to pull off such rescues in a conflict against a well-defended foe such as China. In the Pacific, where distances are magnified and helicopters might lack the range and survivability to safely extract downed crewmembers, some openly questioned whether CSAR missions might still be possible. 

Indeed, the Air Force moved to curtail its fleet of new HH-60W Jolly Green II combat rescue helicopters for that very reason. The service originally planned to buy 113 new HH-60Ws from Lockheed Martin’s Sikorsky division to replace its aging Pave Hawk rescue helicopters, but in 2023 cut that total to 85. Leaders argued at the time they needed to investigate unmanned, autonomous and other alternative aircraft for the rescue mission. 

Congress, however, pushed back, funding the acquisition of 14 more aircraft over the following two years. Today, the fleet numbers 89 production aircraft, with two more on the way. 

Even thinking about giving up that capability strains O’Grady’s comprehension. “Why would you ever want to get rid of that and give that mission to somebody that’s not focused on that being their mission, [that] don’t have the proficiency and the skill sets and the assets and the equipment and the tools necessary to get that mission successfully accomplished?” he wondered. 

Goldfein, who went on to become the Air Force Chief of Staff and had firsthand experience juggling the priorities that can pit one capability against another in the fight for resources, said the future Air Force will need a variety of CSAR capabilities to match the different threat environments rescues might face.  

In a highly contested rescue, such as in Iran, the Air Force may need a bigger, more robust force than it would in a less-contested place, Goldfein said. The Air Force needs to have a comparable range of options, potentially including uncrewed rescue aircraft that could swoop into an uncontested spot to pick up a waiting aviator almost like a taxi service.  

Yet not all technology is helpful. Social media has enabled crowdsourced data and the sharing of photos, videos, fake imagery, along with names, locations, and more. Iranian state media leveraged American social media platforms to share photos of the wreckage and video of rescue of rescue operations in a bid to rally bounty hunters to find the Americans first.  

“The question becomes, how do you roll [advancements like rapid social media information sharing] into your tactics, techniques, and procedures and your technology going forward?” Goldfein said. “There’s a lot of creative ways you can make that an advantage, while at the same time it certainly presents a challenge.” 

Speed will only become a greater factor over time. At least one Airman evaded capture for three weeks in Vietnam in the 1970s, a scenario that seems hard to believe today. 

“From the moment someone ejects over enemy territory, … every second counts—not every minute, every second counts,” Goldfein said. “What you want is all the tools readily available, a team that’s highly trained, a communications system that’s robust and secure. That’s not the time to start building your team, because a life depends on the team that you’ve already built.” 

Air Force Plans to Keep B-1s Through 2037, Fly B-2s Longer

Air Force Plans to Keep B-1s Through 2037, Fly B-2s Longer

The Air Force is planning to invest nearly $1.7 billion to continue modernizing the B-1B Lancer and B-2 Spirit bombers over the next five years, revising earlier plans to retire those aircraft before the B-21 Raider is fielded in bulk.

Extending the bombers ensures USAF retains the speed, range, and stealth unique to those two platforms while it fields the next-generation B-21 and overhauls its B-52s into the new J configuration, with new engines and an all-glass cockpit.

The B-1 and B-2s had been targeted for retirement in the early 2030s. But both have demonstrated continued combat value in recent operations, and with President Trump’s push to increase defense spending, the door opened to continue to update the aircraft.

New budget documents detail plans to spend $342 million on B-1 modernization from 2027 to 2031. “This request provides the necessary funding to modernize the platform, ensuring its lethality and relevance through 2037,” the budget said.

The Air Force will invest even more in its small fleet of B-2s—$1.35 billion over the same five-year window. The documents don’t show a retirement date for the B-2s.

Retired Col. Mark Gunzinger, a former deputy undersecretary of defense and bomber expert who flew B-52s during his flying career, said it’s likely the B-2s will remain longer, alongside the B-1s.

“Given the skyrocketing demand [for bomber capacity], it makes perfect sense to buy back the B-1 and B-2,” said Gunzinger, now director of future concepts and capability assessments for AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. “The B-2 is the only fully operational stealth bomber that we have, and frankly, long-range penetrating strike capability is one of the most significant shortfalls in our military. So why divest the B-2 early? It was completely budget-driven and resource driven.”

In a statement, Air Force Global Strike Command said the B-2s will continue to operate from Whiteman Air Force Base, Mo., for as long as they are needed, even after the B-21 comes online. The first operational B-21s will be fielded at Ellsworth Air Force Base, S.D., in 2027, with Whiteman the second base to host them.

“As we field the B-21, the requirement exists to simultaneously train and perform operational missions,” the Global Strike spokesperson said. “The B-2 will remain a critical long-range strike option for the President and will be maintained as a viable capability for as long as it is needed for national security.”

The Air Force has 44 B-1s and 19 B-2s, but of the two, only the B-2 can carry nuclear weapons. The B-1, however, is equipped to carry more conventional weapons—both guided and unguided—than any other aircraft in the Air Force’s inventory.

Gunzinger said the extensions reflect the Air Force’s recognition that it will need the older bombers to keep pace with current operational requirements as it works to bring new capabilities to the field.

“The operational demand for bombers continues to go in one direction: up,” Gunzinger said. “That is both peacetime demand for bombers, to support bomber task force operations which help maintain deterrence globally, but also for operations like Midnight Hammer.”

U.S. Air Force Airmen conduct preflight operations prior to a B-2 Spirit stealth bomber departure in the U.S. Strategic Command area of responsibility in support of Operation Epic Fury, March 29, 2026. The B-2 provided long-range precision strike capabilities, allowing it to penetrate contested environments and hold high-value targets at risk. (U.S. Air Force photo)

That successful attack on Iran’s nuclear sites by seven B-2s operating together in June 2025 “was one of the tipping points toward buying back both bombers,” he said. Only the B-2 could carry and deliver the 30,000-pound Massive Ordnance Penetrator bombs used in that operation, and the need to preserve that unique capability was suddenly much clearer to national security leaders.

In the recent Operation Epic Fury against Iran, all three current bomber fleets—B-1s, B-2s, and B-52s—took part.  

Gunzinger said the Air Force had considered extending the lives of those bombers all along, but concerns about funding and crewing those airplanes held them back until now. With the Pentagon requesting an all-time record $1.5 trillion budget for 2027, Gunzinger said, the view in the bomber community was that now that would be possible.

Keeping them, and building more B-21s than originally planned, will make it less risky when the time comes to finally retire the older bombers. And by the time the Air Force cuts back to its planned fleet of B-21s and B-52Js, the service will have been able to invest in bomber sustainment, including depot capacity, spare parts, and maintenance talent—areas that in recent years had to be cut back for lack of resources.

Space Force Reveals $3.2B in Space-Based Interceptor Awards for Golden Dome

Space Force Reveals $3.2B in Space-Based Interceptor Awards for Golden Dome

The Space Force has awarded 20 contracts worth up to $3.2 billion to 12 companies since last year to develop space-based interceptor capabilities, the service’s main acquisition arm announced April 24, providing new details on the firms involved and the scope of their work.

The development of on-orbit missile interceptors is one of the bigger technical lifts of the Golden Dome program, an initiative announced by President Donald Trump last year that aims to stitch together a sprawling, layered “shield” to protect the U.S. from both traditional and advanced missile threats. According to Space Systems Command’s announcement, the service expects to integrate the space-based interceptors into the Golden Dome architecture by 2028 and to ultimately launch a proliferated SBI constellation in low-Earth orbit.

“Proven and formidable U.S. missile defense systems, combined with next-generation space-based tracking and advanced interceptors must be integrated with Artificial Intelligence to counter the speed, maneuverability, and lethality of the threats,” SSC said. “The [interceptor] program is addressing this gap by developing a proliferated Low Earth Orbit (pLEO) constellation of interceptors capable of boost, midcourse, and glide phase engagements.”

The service last year issued two solicitations calling for industry prototypes for systems that can destroy a missile during the boost and midcourse phases of flight. Golden Dome Director Gen. Michael Guetlein announced in December that it had awarded 18 other transaction agreement contracts, but did not disclose details about the value of those deals or the firms that received them. According to SSC, the following companies are on tap for the effort:

  • Anduril Industries
  • Booz Allen Hamilton
  • General Dynamics Mission Systems
  • GITAI USA
  • Lockheed Martin
  • Northrop Grumman
  • Quindar
  • Raytheon
  • Sci-Tec
  • SpaceX
  • True Anomaly
  • Turion Space

The program’s goal of demonstrating SBIs by 2028 means SSC will need to move quickly, Program Executive Officer for Space Power Col. Bryon McClain said in a statement.

“Adversary capabilities are advancing rapidly, and our acquisition strategies must move even faster to counter the growing speed and maneuverability of modern missile threats,” McClain said. “Utilizing Other Transaction Authority agreements, we attracted both traditional and nontraditional vendors, while harnessing American innovation, and ensuring continuous competition. With the commitment and collaboration of these industry partners, the Space Force will demonstrate an initial capability in 2028.”

While validating the technical viability of a near-term SBI system is central to this effort, so too is affordability. Speaking at an April 15 hearing, Guetlein told lawmakers that cost will be a determining factor when it comes to scaling the boost-phase capability in particular.

“If boost-phase intercept from space is not affordable and scalable, we will not produce it because we have other options to get after it,” he said.

The overall Golden Dome program is expected to cost $185 billion, and experts say a large SBI fleet could drive that cost much higher. The American Enterprise Institute, a Washington think tank, estimated in a September report the 20-year cost could range anywhere from $252 billion to $3.6 trillion with that variation depending largely on the number of space-based interceptors.

The program hasn’t discussed how many space-based interceptors it expects to need, and SSC’s release did not provide further details. Guetlein has been critical of outside estimates that have projected much higher costs than what the Pentagon itself has identified.

“I would say the biggest difference between what they are estimating and what we are building is they’re not estimating what I’m building,” he said in March at the annual McAleese Defense Programs Conference in Washington. “They’re estimating a very large, complex capability, fully integrated, using technologies that we currently use to fight the away game.”

The department requested nearly $400 million for Golden Dome in fiscal 2027 as part of its base budget, and proposed that more than $17 billion be included in a separate budget reconciliation bill—$4.5 billion for space-related efforts. Congressional Republicans approved $150 billion in reconciliation funding for defense last year—which included $25 billion for Golden Dome. A repeat attempt in fiscal ‘27 will likely face political headwinds due to the uncertainty of midterm elections and the possibility that the GOP may lose its majority in Congress.

New Bill Would Add Fighters to Air Force, Improve Aircrew Retention

New Bill Would Add Fighters to Air Force, Improve Aircrew Retention

A new bipartisan bill would increase the minimum number of fighter jets the Air Force must keep and give service leaders more flexibility to buy additional jets.

The Airpower Acceleration Act, sponsored by Sen. Ted Budd (R-N.C.) and Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), is part of a trio of bills intended to strengthen the combat air forces. The other measures focus on improving incentives to retain trained aircrew and to increase career flexibility for certain in-demand Airmen.

“The future of American military dominance relies on maintaining our air superiority, and the path forward is clear—rebuild our Defense Industrial Base through restoring our combat aircraft forces and retaining experienced aviators,” Budd said in a release.

The Airpwer Acceleration bill would:

  • Empower the Air Force with the authority to award multiyear procurement contracts for the F-35 and F-15EX fighters, enabling the service to drive down cost by providing suppliers with greater predictabilit.
  • Extend until Oct. 1, 2035 the requirement that the Air Force must have 1,800 total fighter aircraft it its inventory. The measure had been set to expire on Oct. 1, 2026.
  • Set 1,369 as the minimum number of combat-coded fighters the Air Force must have by the end of 2030 and raise that figure to 1,558 by the end of 2035,
  • Authorize the Air Force to acquire up to 329 F-15EXs, nearly 100 more than now planned.

Christian McMullen, a spokesperson in Budd’s office, told Air & Space Forces Magazine that the bill is necessary because significant advances in China’s military capabilities, especially in sixth-generation fighter production, threaten U.S. air superiority.

“There is bipartisan concern about the overall state of our fighting force in the air, especially as it would pertain to a China threat,” McMullen said.

That bipartisan support is evident in the bill’s cosponsors, which include Sens. Angus King (I-Maine), Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.), Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.), Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), and Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.).

Air Force Secretary Troy Meink thanked the senators for the legislative package in a social media post, writing that “these measures will close critical gaps in both equipment & manpower while enhancing the quality of life for the entire force.”

Combat-Coded Aircraft

The Air Force fighter inventory enshrined in law requires the service to maintain a force of 1,800 fighter aircraft, 1,145 of which must be in the “Primary Mission Aircraft Inventory.”

The PMAI is “what you’re going to take to war,” summed up Matt Donovan, former Undersecretary and Acting Secretary of the Air Force and a former professional staff member for the Senate Armed Services Committee who helped craft the original requirement.

In an August 2025 report to Congress, however, the Air Force adopted a different measure for its count, which it dubbed Combat-Coded Total Aircraft Inventory. The new metric lumps together PMAI, backup aircraft inventory, and attrition reserve into a single category.

While Donovan and others critiqued the change, saying it appeared to mask the true state of the fighter fleet, Budd and Shaheen accepted the combat-coded metric for their bill. McMullen said lawmakers are simply aligning their language with the Air Force’s combat-coded terminology to indicate how many aircraft would be on hand in a national crisis.

The size of the combat-coded inventory required by the bill, however, is greater than the projected numbers from the Air Force’s 2025 report; in that document, officials predicted a combat-coded inventory of 1,304 fighters in fiscal 2030, which would be 65 short of the 1,369-airframe requirement in the bill.

The Air Force projection did not include the F-47, which is scheduled to have its first flight in 2028 and seems likely to still be in development by 2030, or the A-10, which the service just extended to 2030 and could help it meet the minimum, noted Donovan.

While lawmakers are using the combat-coded metric, McMullen said the bill would not change the Air Force’s model for calculating personnel, parts, and all funding to sustain aircraft using PMAI. That’s important, Donovan said, given the need to improve readiness.

“It really comes down to readiness and aircraft availability, right?” Donovan said. “You can have 10,000 airplanes, but if you can only fly, say, 2,000 because that’s all the parts you have and all the maintainers you have to take care of them, then the overall aircraft inventory is kind of moot.”

Multiyear Procurement

The bill’s provision to permit multiyear procurement for the F-35 and F-15EX could save money and strengthen the defense industrial base with a more predictable record.

Multiyear procurement allows the Pentagon to award contracts covering two to five years’ worth of procurement for a piece of equipment.

The Pentagon has been ramping up its use of multiyear procurement as of late, focusing mostly on boosting munitions production. In an April 21 budget briefing, Maj. Gen. Frank R. Verdugo, deputy assistant secretary of the Air Force for budget, said the service is “sending an unmistakable demand signal to industry and expanding multiyear contracts for next-generation technology.”

A week prior, Air Force Secretary Troy E. Meink told reporters at the Space Symposium that the department was exploring multiyear procurement for aircraft as well, and nearly two dozen National Guard adjutants general signed a letter to Congress earlier this month endorsing multiyear procurement for the Air Force to acquire between 72 and 100 new F-35s and F-15EXs annually.

According to a 2025 Congressional Research Service report, multiyear contracts can save the government between 5 and 15 percent. The forthcoming deal for Lot 20 of F-35 aircraft could be a multiyear contract, but that is not confirmed.

F-15EX

The final section of the Airpower Acceleration Act focuses specifically on the F-15EX, the upgraded version of the fourth-generation F-15 that features advanced avionics, fly-by-wire controls, and improved electronic warfare capabilities.

The bill says the Air Force “may” increase the F-15EX fleet size to 329 aircraft, but also includes further direction on how the Air Force must allocate any extra F-15EXs it buys.

A U.S. Air Force F-15E Strike Eagle aircraft takes off for a training mission at Nellis Air Force Base, Nevada, (U.S. Air Force photo by 2nd Lt. Shane Milligan)

Any EXs beyond the initial 129 the service has put on contract must go toward replacing the F-15E, the bill states.

“This aligns with where the Air Force wants to take the Strike Eagle fleet,” McMullen said.

Indeed, a service spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine this week that the Air Force is increasing its planned F-15EX fleet to 267 airframes, to “complete building existing F-15EX units and then begin to recapitalize the aging F-15E fleet.”

The service currently has 216 F-15Es in its inventory and previously outlined plans to retire all but 99 of them, keeping only E models with the newer F100-PW-229 engines. Budd, who represents an F-15E base in Seymour Johnson Air Force Base, and other lawmakers moved to block those retirements, but in its fiscal 2027 budget request, the Air Force is trying once again to divest 20 F-15Es.

The new bill signals Budd is willing to permit those retirements to go through if the jets are replaced by F-15EXs.

“For the F-15EXs, there is a downstream effect,” McMullen said. “According to the Air Force’s plans, the F-15EX will hopefully arrive at Seymour Johnson in the early 2030s. But we need more EXs now, given the China buildup and a potential invasion of Taiwan.”

Next Steps

While Budd and Shaheen have amassed five cosponsors on the Airpower Acceleration Act, the bill is unlikely to proceed as a standalone piece of legislation. Rather, Donovan noted that it’s more likely the lawmakers will try to get the bill’s text into this year’s version of the annual defense policy bill.

Members of Congress are expected to mark up that National Defense Authorization bill in the coming weeks, starting a process that can take months. The NDAA, as the bill is often called, is considered must-pass legislation.

Munitions Used vs. Iran Will Take Years to Replace, Even with Huge Pentagon Weapons Budget

Munitions Used vs. Iran Will Take Years to Replace, Even with Huge Pentagon Weapons Budget

U.S. munitions have been expended at a high rate during Operation Epic Fury against Iran, prompting concerns the Pentagon is eating into weapons stockpiles it needs to deter threats around the world. 

Yet the newly released $1.5 trillion defense budget request was developed before the war against Iran and won’t cover all of the growing shortfall.

“This budget was formulated, honestly, before we went into conflict with Iran,” Jules “Jay” Hurst III, the Pentagon’s acting comptroller and chief financial officer, told reporters this week.

In fiscal 2027, the Pentagon is requesting over $70 billion dollars for missiles and bombs, according to budget documents, including $52.9 billion for the department’s dozen most “critical munitions.”

The Pentagon may go to Congress for yet more money for weapons in a supplemental spending request, though it has not yet decided to take such a step. 

“Every time we use something in combat, we’re always looking at how to reconstitute and sustain that capability,” Hurst said. “There could certainly be overlap in a supplemental request, because there is going to be a focus on munitions in this budget or a supplemental.”

Over six weeks of conflict, the U.S. attacked over 13,000 targets, according to the U.S. military. Multiple weapons are typically used on an individual target. The U.S. also intercepted more than 1,700 Iranian ballistic missiles and one-way attack drones, said Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Air Force Gen. Dan Caine. 

That fighting has consumed a substantial portion of the U.S. inventory of critical munitions, according to a recent analysis from the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

CSIS estimates that the U.S. has expended around 1,000 Tomahawk cruise missiles compared with a prewar estimated inventory of 3,100, and more than 1,000 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles, or JASSMs, compared with a prewar inventory of 4,400. Most of the Army’s stock of PrSM ballistic missiles were fired.

A U.S. Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcon aircraft takes off for a combat flight during Operation Epic Fury, March 29, 2026. U.S. Air Force Photo

CSIS also estimates that the U.S. used over 1,000 Patriot interceptors and hundreds of THAAD, SM-3, and SM-6 missile defense interceptors as it sought to fend off Iran’s attacks on U.S. bases and countries across the region.

“The United States didn’t have enough munitions prior to the conflict for some of the potential future contingencies that it might face, particularly against a more advanced adversary in the Indo-Pacific,” said Becca Wasser, defense lead for Bloomberg Economics. “But now, with such a high rate of expenditure, especially of some of those higher-end munitions, more needs to be done in order to rebuild those stockpiles.

“If the munitions buy does not reflect the Iran war, I think we’re all in for a bit of sticker shock,” she added. “I think there’s an open question about industrial capacity, as well as some of the bottlenecks that we continually see.”

Hurst said while the new budget request does not cover the “operational costs” of the conflict with Iran, it is an important step to “reconstitute America’s defense industrial base and give us capacity.” However, turning those expenditures into weapons stockpiles will take years, experts say. 

“There’s a huge amount of money in ’27 for munitions. That’s the right thing to do,” said Mark Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel and one of the authors of the CSIS report. “The problem is that it’s going to take many years for that money to turn into missiles.”

The munitions expenditure in the Iran conflict is already affecting some American allies. On April 20, Estonia’s minister of defense, Hanno Pevkur, said the U.S. had paused weapons deliveries to the country, which he had raised with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth. 

The Trump administration has pushed U.S. allies to invest more in defense. And that has added to demand for an overtaxed defense industry. 

“For the first time in a long time, money is not the problem in Europe,” Air Force Gen. Alexus G. Grynkewich, NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe and the head of U.S. European Command, told lawmakers last month. “The real challenge is the production capacity and the defense industrial base, and will capabilities be able to show up on time?”

The shortfall is a particular concern for U.S. efforts to deter China, which is seeking to pressure Taiwan to come under the control of Beijing. 

“The risk is in a future conflict, like with China, there is now a window of vulnerability, and it’s going to be years before we fully close that,” Cancian said.

America’s top commander in Asia, U.S. Indo-Pacific Command boss Adm. Samuel Paparo, told the Senate Armed Services Committee on April 21 that he is also concerned with a munitions shortfall.

“The traditional defense primes have to innovate to go faster. I think it will take one to two years for them to scale,” Paparo said. “It won’t be soon enough, and I think that we really must press the system with nontraditional vendors, bringing to bear new low-cost munitions such as hypersonics, low-cost cruise missiles, and then across a variety of drones and unmanned systems.”

The conflict has also affected munitions supplies on the Korean peninsula. 

Army Gen. Xavier Brunson, the commander of U.S. Forces Korea, told the Senate committee that the U.S. kept its THAAD anti-missile system in South Korea during the conflict but was moving munitions to the Middle East. 

“We are sending munitions forward, and those are sitting, right now, waiting to move,” Brunson said.

U.S. forces conduct air defense operations in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility during Operation Epic Fury, April 2, 2026. U.S. Army photo