Pentagon Drops Weekly ‘Five Things’ Email Requirement

Pentagon Drops Weekly ‘Five Things’ Email Requirement

The Pentagon will no longer require civilian employees to submit a list of five accomplishments from the previous week, ending a monthslong requirement instituted by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), a senior defense official told employees in a recent email.

The Defense Department has required civilians to send the weekly updates to their supervisors since March. But that policy is now ending, according to a May 23 email to the DOD civilian workforce from Jay Hurst, who is performing the duties of the undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness. A defense official confirmed to Air & Space Forces Magazine that the DOD has “concluded the five-bullet exercise.”

The Pentagon first instituted the “five things” policy following a February directive from the Office of Personnel Management (OPM), acting on the initiative of DOGE. Musk said at the time that failure to send the updates would be “taken as a resignation.”

DOD initially told employees not to respond. But on Feb. 27, Hegseth signed a memo directing civilian workers to send a weekly email with “five bullets on their previous week’s achievements” under a process that would be overseen by DOD, not OPM.

“Submissions must exclude classified or sensitive information and will be incorporated into weekly situation reports by supervisors,” Hegseth wrote at the time. “Non-compliance may lead to further review.”

The Pentagon was among the few remaining agencies that still had the requirement, as most federal agencies had dropped it. Employees are asked to send their final update May 28.

As the mandate fades, employees are asked to submit at least one idea to improve the Defense Department’s efficiency or reduce waste—without including sensitive or classified information in their suggestions.

Hegseth embraced DOGE’s efforts to shrink the government and issued a directive to trim the civilian workforce by 5 to 8 percent through a hiring freeze and a resignation program. The Pentagon will still pay employees who resign through the fall.

That move has led to thousands of job cuts. The Space Force has been hit particularly hard by downsizing, seeing its civilian workforce contract by some 14 percent, according to Chief of Space Operations Gen. B. Chance Saltzman. According to recent data, the DOD has around 878,000 civilian employees.

Employees’ responses—or lack thereof—to the “five things” email requirement have not been publicly cited as a reason for firing or disciplining any employees.

“The Department is not aware of any employees receiving disciplinary action as a result of the weekly emails,” the defense official said.

In March, a Navy veteran who had recently launched her civilian career with the service wrote a Fortune op-ed alleging she was fired for turning her five bullet points into a limerick.

“When leadership reduced our work to unclassified and meaningless bullet points, they got a response commensurate with the assignment,” wrote Grace Jones, a lieutenant commander in the Navy Reserve. I was subsequently terminated for poor conduct; my termination letter cited the limerick as the only evidence.”

“I was fired because I dissented in the most minor of ways,” she said.

Florida Guard Prepares to Welcome F-35 with Pilot Training, Maintenance Upgrades

Florida Guard Prepares to Welcome F-35 with Pilot Training, Maintenance Upgrades

The Florida Air National Guard’s 125th Fighter Wing is inching closer to a fully stealth fleet after years of training to fly the F-35.

Many of the pilots at Jacksonville Air National Guard Base who previously flew the F-15C Eagle have been certified to operate the F-35 Lightning II or are in the process of doing so, 125th Fighter Wing spokesperson Maj. Cammy Alberts told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

The wing is one of multiple Air Force units that are trading in older airframes for more-advanced jets designed to withstand modern threats and reach into enemy territory undetected. The F-15C first entered the Air Force inventory in 1979.

The jets will serve as the “primary aircraft securing the southeastern U.S.,” with a greater focus on finding targets on the ground, according to the wing.

“We are well into the training pipeline,” Alberts said. “Full certification across the force remains ongoing.”

The wing is also constructing a simulator building so pilots can train realistically against current threats like electronic jamming and anti-aircraft weapons, and modernizing its hangars to ensure the infrastructure can accommodate the F-35’s stealth coating.

Transitioning a Guard unit from legacy aircraft to F-35s usually takes longer than it does for active-duty units. Because Guard wings don’t rotate in new airmen who are already trained on a jet like active-duty units do, the 125th’s pilots, maintainers, and logisticians have undertaken extensive preparation for a fifth-generation fighter fleet. Pilot training began in 2021, a year after the base was selected to receive the stealth aircraft.

An aircraft maintainer assigned to the Florida Air National Guard’s 125th Maintenance Group marshals in a F-35A Lightning II aircraft during its arrival at the 125th Fighter Wing located in Jacksonville, Fla., March 4, 2025. U.S. Air National Guard photo by Staff Sgt. Jacob Hancock

“Our focus has been on training and converting our current personnel to support the F-35 mission,” Alberts said, adding that the unit is also “actively recruiting into critical career fields” for F-35 maintenance, operations support, and avionics to ensure long-term mission success.

The Air Force plans to house 20 F-35As at the Guard unit, including two held in backup inventory. The first three jets arrived at the base in March. The 125th, which operates a single fighter squadron, is expected to train 20 to 30 pilots for the 18 primary aircraft. Alberts declined to provide a timeline for the remaining deliveries, citing operational security concerns, but said the aircraft are “arriving on a scheduled, phased basis.”

The arrival of the F-35s this year brought significant changes to the wing’s logistical demands. The 125th Logistics Readiness Squadron stocked over 8,000 F-35 components on base to reduce reliance on manufacturer shipments and shorten maintenance delays. The squadron also streamlined inventory systems, upgraded infrastructure to accommodate the larger F-35, and drew on experience from other Lightning II units to ensure swift repairs.

“If maintenance needs to order it, supply can deliver it within minutes,” Master Sgt. Matthew Cole, the noncommissioned officer in charge of the 125th Logistics Readiness Squadron’s transportation management office, said in a release.

The last of Jacksonville’s F-15s departed at the end of 2024. Some were retired and put into storage in Arizona; others headed to other Air Force units.

As part of the transition, more than 15,000 F-15 components were redistributed to other units that still fly the F-15 or transferred to Air Force supply depots for storage.

“Our goal is to ensure all personnel are proficient in supply and logistics systems to support the new airframe,” said Chief Master Sgt. Kylie Walker, the senior enlisted leader of the 125th LRS. “We aim to cultivate an environment of continuous learning and improvement to stay ahead of technological advancements and operational requirements.”

A core group of maintenance personnel and logistics airmen started their own classes shortly after pilot training began to master the F-35’s specific systems and procedures. Those maintainers then returned to the 125th FW to teach others on the job.

Most of the wing’s major construction projects in support of the new airframe began in 2023. In 2024, Jacksonville International Airport’s M-1 taxiway was widened to accommodate the new F-35 jets. Work is also underway on a new facility where maintainers can practice loading and unloading weapons in any weather. Smaller projects are also underway to create storage for practice munitions like the inert GBU-12 bombs and dummy AIM-120 missiles.

The Pentagon is equipping five Air National Guard units with the F-35A, including Wisconsin’s 115th Fighter Wing, Alabama’s 187th Fighter Wing, Massachusetts’ 104th Fighter Wing, and Vermont’s 158th Fighter Wing. Vermont was the first in the Air National Guard to receive the F-35 in 2019.

Bombers, Fighters Unite in Rare 7-Plane Flyover

Bombers, Fighters Unite in Rare 7-Plane Flyover

Spectators got a never-before-seen treat May 24 when representatives of the entire Air Force bomber fleet and most of its fighter inventory flew over the Hyundai Air and Sea Show in Miami, Fla., to mark the start of Memorial Day weekend.

A B-2 stealth bomber led the “V” formation, followed by B-52 and B-1 bombers; F-22, F-15C, and F-16 fighters; and an A-10 attack plane. The flyover marked the first time all three Air Force bombers and four different fighter/attack planes have joined in a “spectacular seven-ship formation,” Air Force Global Strike Command wrote on Facebook.

The so-called “Freedom Formation” featured crews from the active-duty Air Force, Air Force Reserve, and Air National Guard. The F-16 Fighting Falcon came from the 93rd Fighter Squadron at nearby Homestead Air Reserve Base in Florida, while the F-15C Eagle came from the Louisiana Air National Guard, according to Homestead. 

The F-22 was flown by the F-22 Raptor Demonstration Team, which had its own solo performance at the show, while the B-2 Spirit came from Whiteman Air Force Base, Mo. Moody Air Force Base, Ga., also sent an A-10 Thunderbolt II to participate in the show.

b-52 flyover
Lifeguards watch as B-2 Spirit leads a formation of B-1 Lancer, B-52 Stratofortress, A-10 Warthog, F-16 Fighting Falcon, F-15 Eagle, and F-22 Raptor aircraft assigned to Air Combat Command and Global Strike Command during the Hyundai Air and Sea show at Miami, Florida, May 24, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Lauren Cobin

The B-52 Stratofortress and B-1 Lancer are both assigned to the Reserve 307th Bomb Wing, though they are based at Barksdale Air Force Base, La., and Dyess Air Force Base, Texas, respectively.

“Nearly every aspect of what you see today touches the Air Force Reserve in some way,” Lt. Gen. John Healy, commander of Air Force Reserve Command, said during the show, according to a press release. “What people don’t realize is, we are so intricately woven into the day-to-day total force that we are virtually indistinguishable from the active duty. This air show couldn’t have happened this way without Reserve support.”

Troops use flyovers for publicity and training, as well as to show off U.S. military capabilities to friends and foes who might be watching.

A pararescueman assigned to the 308th Rescue Squadron climbs a rope ladder during a simulated combat search-and-rescue demonstration at the 2025 Hyundai Air & Sea Show off the coast of Miami Beach, Florida, May 24, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Tech. Sgt. Darius Sostre-Miroir

Beyond the Freedom Formation, HH-60G Pave Hawk helicopters from the Reserve 920th Rescue Wing based at Patrick Space Force Base, Fla., demonstrated a search-and-rescue mission at the show. An HC-130J from the same unit simulated refueling the helicopters in midair. A Reserve MH-139A Grey Wolf helicopter from the 908th Flying Training Wing at Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala., also took part, while Global Strike Command boss Gen. Thomas Bussiere presided over an enlistment ceremony for 150 recruits headed across the military.

“This is a great opportunity to . . . showcase what the Air Force and all the branches are about,” Master Sgt. Bryant Guardia, a Reserve recruiter at the show, said in a press release. “It is a good opportunity to engage and recruit the next generation of Airmen into our ranks.”

What the US Can Learn From the Ukraine War’s Space Front

What the US Can Learn From the Ukraine War’s Space Front

U.S. and allied policymakers should seek new partnerships with commercial companies and develop alternative tools that can withstand enemy attack to succeed in future wars where military satellites are targeted, a federally funded think tank argues in a new report.

The May 21 RAND Corp. report, which highlights lessons learned from Ukrainian and Russian forces’ use of space systems over the past three years, analyzes how the use and disruption of communications, navigation and surveillance tools have played an “unprecedented role” in the war, and how the U.S. can deploy those systems in future conflicts.

Researchers first recommended that U.S. policymakers rely on commercial space assets to support allies and partners ahead of and during conflicts. RAND noted how diversifying those options has allowed Ukrainian forces to maintain crucial satellite communications and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance despite Russian interference.

For example, a Russian cyberattack in the opening hours of the war disabled much of Ukraine’s use of Viasat, the commercial internet provider Ukraine leaned on to calculate fire missions, build situational awareness, and create a common operating picture among troops. Ukrainian soldiers instead used ground lines connecting Soviet-era communications hardware, but the country’s rapid adoption of SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet fiilled a critical void.

Starlink helped the Ukrainian government maintain communications with the military and civilians, enabled fire support and allowed civilians to report sightings of Russian troops, among countless other key information-sharing capabilities.

“Starlink’s impact was so significant that some Ukrainian commanders believed that, without it, the war could have been lost,” RAND noted.

The same scenario played out with ISR, for which commercial satellite imagery providers such as Maxar, Planet Labs, Capella, BlackSky, and HawkEye 360 took photos and used radio frequencies to locate Russian forces. The Finnish company ICEYE’s satellites use synthetic aperture radar to locate Russian troops “at any time and through any weather,” RAND wrote.

“Within the first months of using ICEYE’s data, Ukraine’s Ministry of Defence claimed that Ukraine was able to identify the location of over 7,000 Russian military equipment sites and troop positions,” RAND said. “Ukraine’s military was then able to conduct and confirm the destruction of hundreds of Russian assets, including fighters and advanced missile launchers.”

But reliance on commercial space assets can be a double-edged sword. For example, Ukraine’s initial agreement with SpaceX was struck informally over X, then known as Twitter. The lack of a formal arrangement meant SpaceX “was not beholden to any contractual terms or subject to dedicated government oversight,” RAND wrote. “As a result, SpaceX covered most of the associated provision costs—reportedly $80 million over six months—and decided when, where, and how Starlink would be provided and used.”

The uncertainty compounded as SpaceX founder Elon Musk made public statements and policies that conflicted with Ukraine’s priorities and threatened to end Ukraine’s Starlink services entirely. Eventually the U.S. government formally contracted SpaceX to provide Starlink to Ukraine, but the experience highlighted both the importance of drawing up a formal contract and the risk of company goals not being aligned with a government’s objectives.

That can have ripple effects, too: Taiwan is reluctant to adopt SpaceX technology because Musk runs the electric car company Tesla, which produces about half of its inventory in China, RAND noted.

Contracts must also cover how the U.S. will respond to threats toward commercial space systems, such as when Russian forces tried to hack and jam Starlink satellites early in the war, or indemnify companies in case their assets are lost, researchers said.

In the case of ISR, those contracts could also include cybersecurity provisions and restrictions on sharing information to prevent satellite images from falling into an adversary’s hands.

For SATCOM, RAND recommended that the Defense Department keep building a multiorbit network of myriad satellites that would be more difficult to disable. Including both military-owned and commercial systems would enhance that resilience, RAND said.

The war in Ukraine demonstrates the difficulty of sustaining an advantage in positioning, navigation, and timing in modern conflict, as even the most advanced U.S. and allied GPS-guided bombs, missiles, and artillery shells have seen their hit rates drop sharply due to Russian jamming and spoofing operations, RAND wrote. Ground troops also found their communications were cut and drone pilots lost touch with their aircraft due to Russian electromagnetic attacks.

An electromagnetic cat-and-mouse game has emerged where Ukrainian and Russian troops develop countermeasures and counter-countermeasures, such as building jam-resistant GPS receivers into precision-guided munitions and taping SIM cards and modems onto drone fuselages to reduce dependence on satellite navigation. That means the U.S. and allies should continue innovating and pursuing alternative PNT technology “to ensure that platforms and munitions remain effective,” RAND wrote.

MITRE: ‘We Still Have Work to Do’ to Attract New Defense Contractors

MITRE: ‘We Still Have Work to Do’ to Attract New Defense Contractors

Small and medium businesses are still skeptical of defense work despite years of effort and a raft of legislation aimed at accelerating acquisition and breaking down barriers for new entrants—though that perception is slowly improving, according to a new industry survey.

“There’s still a lot of work to be done” to convince new entrants that defense work is worthwhile, said Keoki Jackson, senior vice president and general manager of MITRE’s national security sector, in an interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine. It’s the first time the federally funded researcher has polled the defense industry on acquisition.

In April, MITRE asked more than 1,000 acquisition professionals across government and industry a series of questions to gauge perceptions of the ease of working with the government and the barriers preventing innovation from reaching the end user, Jackson said.

The survey’s most surprising result, Jackson said, is the “difference in view between small and medium suppliers—or nontraditional suppliers—and everybody else.”

While more than 80 percent of large contractors, federal workers and other stakeholders think those barriers are disappearing, making acquisition faster and more effective, only one-third of small and medium businesses felt that way, Jackson said.

That difference in perception is its own barrier as well, making new entrants wary of entering the defense acquisition ecosystem, he said.

Over half of survey respondents cited “inflexibility and complexity” of acquisition as the biggest obstacle to joining the defense market. About one-third of respondents pointed to “cost-type” contracts, which don’t hold companies to a specific price for a product, and another one-third called “supply chain reliability” a top concern.

Jackson said cost-type contracts were mainly cited because they make accounting more complex. He argues fixing the system should begin with making it less complicated and better understood. “The acquisition system actually has quite a bit of flexibility in it, but people are unaware,” he said.  

Asked what would improve the speed, responsiveness, and efficiency of defense contracting, the top responses were:

  • Reducing bureaucracy (21 percent)
  • Adopting modern, digital technologies (20 percent)
  • Streamlining approval layers and simplifying procedures (16 percent)

Last year, a massive report from the bipartisan Commission on Planning, Programming, Budgeting and Execution rolled out 28 major recommendations of reforms to make defense acquisition quicker and more efficient. Jackson expects those suggestions, plus others that are still in the works on Capitol Hill and within the Trump administration, will have “real impacts.”

Those moves have to do with “simplification of the acquisition regulations . . . at the federal level,” he said. More detailed fixes, like holding people at lower levels accountable for a program’s progress, will be a big help, Jackson said.

Acquisition workers want artificial intelligence and automation to make them more effective and efficient, Jackson added, and to share data more easily through wider adoption of digital contracting.

These are “process and technology things that I think are absolutely in the realm of the possible,” Jackson said. “Then . . . the more you can take [away] approval layers and approval procedures.”

His favorite quote from the survey: “Get rid of all the endless, useless crap.”

In launching the survey now, MITRE sought to take advantage of Washington’s appetite for defense acquisition reform. Jackson pointed to legislation introduced last year by Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) that would have streamlined parts of federal acquisition law; the bill expired in January and would need to be reintroduced for further consideration.

MITRE also wanted to see how well the “adaptive acquisition framework” that it helped develop for is faring, five years after it was implemented, Jackson said. The framework created six new “pathways” meant to streamline purchases in areas like services and software and boost the use of nontraditional acquisition authorities.

The adaptive framework is in the “toddler stage,” he said. “Even though it was enacted in 2020, because of the time lag in budget cycles, 2023 was actually the first year that you could start a program” using it.

But it’s grown in popularity. For instance, Jackson said, the number of software programs using the framework has jumped from about 50 to more than 80 in the past year. About 35 programs used middle-tier acquisition authorities for rapid prototyping in 2019, before the framework was enacted, he added. That’s grown to more than 100 programs.

He cautioned, though, that of the roughly $430 billion spent on defense contracts in 2023, less than $16 billion of that went through other transaction authorities.

“That gives you a sense of the room we have for increase,” he said.

Jackson said the comments collected through the survey showed improvement “has to do with culture and risk-taking,” and that less-experienced acquisition professionals are likely to act more conservatively than seasoned workers who are more comfortable thinking outside the box. When losing people to government downsizing, retirements and resignations, he said, “it’s going to be particularly important at this point in time to provide good examples, good tools to help people understand the risk trade-offs.”

Introducing new ways to streamline acquisition has helped ameliorate stakeholders’ most negative views over the past five years, the survey found.

On a scale of having a “very negative” view of the defense acquisition process to a “very positive” view, Jackson noted a dramatic drop in the lowest category.

“But here’s the hard part,” he said. “If you look at the bottom two categories — very negative, or somewhat negative — that only drops 9 percent, to 76 percent. So, yes, we’re making progress in the . . . most negative perceptions, but overall, we’ve still got a lot of work to do.”

General Says Commercial Space Industry is Ready for Golden Dome

General Says Commercial Space Industry is Ready for Golden Dome

Advancements in commercial space technology could make President Donald Trump’s proposed “Golden Dome” missile defense network far more likely to succeed than the failed “Star Wars” strategic umbrella initiative of the 1980s, U.S. Space Command’s top general said May 22.

Ten years ago, “if we had talked about constellations of satellites that had 7,000-plus satellites that could provide services anywhere on the globe … we might have thought that was crazy,” Gen. Stephen N. Whiting said at a Chicago Council on Global Affairs event. “Now we take that for granted.”

Whiting praised the U.S. commercial space industry’s explosive growth and its achievements over the past decade, pointing to the reusable SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket booster that has landed itself more than 400 times.

It’s been more than 40 years since President Ronald Reagan announced his Strategic Defense Initiative, which later became known as the Star Wars missile defense system. The U.S. spent billions on the ambitious effort but failed to produce an umbrella that would shield the country from nuclear attack.

Since then, “the technology has advanced tremendously,” Whiting said. “The cost of getting things to orbit has come down significantly as well because of the U.S. commercial industry and their space lift and heavy lift capability. So those are all advantages I think that will definitely support the development of the Golden Dome.”

Whiting’s comments come days after President Donald Trump called for Golden Dome to be completed in “less than three years,” which is significantly faster than many experts predict it will take to develop the technology.

Golden Dome calls for an advanced network of space-based tracking sensors and missile interceptors that would work with systems on the ground, at sea and in the air to defend the homeland against ballistic missiles, newer hypersonic weapons, and other sophisticated threats that current defense infrastructure is unable to counter.

Traditionally, Whiting said, intercontinental ballistic missiles follow a predictable flight trajectory that makes them easier to track. 

“Now countries like China and Russia have fielded what we call hyper-glide vehicles,” Whiting said. “Instead of launching and being very predictable, these things now can turn wildly, they can fly much longer than expected.”

China has also tested what is known as a “fractional orbital bombardment system,” an ICBM that can, in theory, orbit Earth multiple times before dropping onto a target from space without warning, Whiting said.

Trump estimated Golden Dome would cost $175 billion over three years—much less than a nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimate that found the cost of space-based interceptors alone could climb as high as $542 billion over 20 years.

“I don’t think [$175 billion] will be executable in three years,” Todd Harrison, a senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, said May 23. “I think $175 billion might be a five-year or a 10-year cost estimate. … People misspeak all the time.”

Harrison argued the three-year timeline might yield a partially finished system but not a complete shield.

“This will absolutely not be finished within three years,” he said. “I think we might be able to have something that they call an initial operating capability.”

But the Pentagon and the commercial space industry are capable of producing a successful missile defense system like Golden Dome, he said.

“It is technologically feasible,” he said. “It’ll be expensive, for sure, but we’re a wealthy nation. We could make the choice to prioritize it.”

As much as the space industry has evolved, Whiting cautioned that “there is some fragility in that defense industrial base and in that commercial space sector.”

In the past, several large companies have relied on a single subcontractor to supply critical components, which creates “a choke point for us,” Whiting said.

“Now we want to make sure that we have multiple companies that can field all the capabilities that we need,” he said. “This … is a world-leading effort for the United States and our commercial space companies, but there are some areas that we want to continue to invest in to make sure they’re as robust and resilient as possible.”

A key part of Golden Dome’s success will be developing its space-based sensor network, said Harrison, noting that the Pentagon’s Space Development Agency has already begun launching satellite prototypes to sense and track missiles from low Earth orbit.

The program’s first tranche of satellites was supposed to launch this year but is delayed. Tranche two has about 50 satellites under contract and in production.

While Golden Dome may be technologically possible, Harrison said, it might not be politically feasible. Its fate could be decided by the 2026 congressional midterm elections.

“If the House flips to the Democrats … how enthusiastic are they going to be to put extra money in the budget for Golden Dome with that name?” he said.

Deptula, Chilton Earn Historical Foundation Honor

Deptula, Chilton Earn Historical Foundation Honor

The Air Force Historical Foundation honored a pair of storied Airmen with lifetime achievement awards at the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum’s Udvar-Hazy Center May 22.

Retired Air Force Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula, dean of AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies, was awarded the Gen. Carl “Tooey” Spaatz Award for his lifetime contributions to Air Force history, including authoring the seminal Air Force White Paper, “Global Reach—Global Power,” and his instrumental role in planning the air campaign in Operation Desert Storm and the concept of “effects-based operations.”

Retired Air Force Gen. Kevin P. “Chili” Chilton, the Explorer Chair for the Mitchell Institute’s Spacepower Advantage Center of Excellence, received the first-ever Lifetime Achievement Award for Space, for a career that included being a NASA astronaut, commander of Air Force Space Command, and commander of U.S. Strategic Command. Chilton’s career also included a historic return to Air Force service after 11 years at NASA, which amounted to a policy shift when he made that move.

“Airpower has always been more than just a strategic tool,” Deptula said. “It embodies innovation, agility, and the ability to shape outcomes at the speed of relevance.”

Capturing and studying airpower history, he added, is essential in order to ensure future generations learn from it. “The voices captured in oral histories and the hard-earned lessons of those who came before us are not just artifacts of a bygone era,” Deptula said. “They are fuel for the future.”

Gen. Kevin A. Chilton receives the AFHF Lifetime Achievement for Space at the Air Force Historical Foundation Awards Banquet 2025 held at the Steven F. Udvar-Hazy Center in Chantilly Va.

Chilton reflected on his return to active duty after 11 years at NASA and the leaders who supported him, including then-Chief of Staff Gen. Ronald Fogleman.

“I’m deeply grateful for their willingness to literally take a chance on a guy they knew nothing about,” Chilton said. “I like to say I was kind of like ‘Encino Man.’ I’d been freeze-dried in NASA for 11 years and then came back to the United States Air Force. Quite frankly, I was a little concerned that I wouldn’t be able to catch back up.”

The non-profit Air Force Historical Foundation was founded in 1953 by Spaatz and other airpower pioneers to preserve and promote Air Force heritage, and since the Space Force’s founding in 2019, has also been dedicated to preserving Space Force history through publication, events, and other activities. Learn more about the Air Force Historical Foundation’s award winners here.

It’s Time for the Air Force to Embrace the F-35

It’s Time for the Air Force to Embrace the F-35

The United States revolutionized air combat with the invention of stealth technology and the low-observable combat jet. Beginning in the 1980s with the F-117 and continuing in the years that followed with the B-2, F-22, F-35, and now the F-47, the evolution of 5th generation and beyond technologies has changed the nature of air combat forever. Yet today, only 28 percent of the Air Force’s fighter inventory are 5th-generation jets.

Given the advances by China, which is rapidly fielding its own 5th generation and beyond aircraft, the U.S. Air Force must grow its 5th-gen fleet—and soon. Today, there is one aircraft in production that can answer that call: the F-35.

The Air Force, Secretary Pete Hegseth, President Trump, and Congress must boost F-35 acquisition as rapidly as possible. The omission of additional F-35 funding in the reconciliation bill now before the Senate shows a dangerous disconnect regarding this reality.

The vision for 5th-generation stealth capability developed during the Cold War as a means to counter increasingly lethal Soviet air defenses. The telltales were ominous: In the closing days of the Vietnam War, the U.S. lost 15 B-52 bombers in just 12 days. Less than a year later, Israel lost 102 of its 390 combat aircraft in the monthlong Yom Kippur War, 85 of them American-built aircraft.

U.S. commanders assessing a potential European conflict with Warsaw Pact rivals calculated that a similar loss rate would exhaust the U.S. Air Force’s combat aircraft inventory in just two weeks. As one analyst noted: “It would be a tragedy not merely for the West but for mankind if NATO, after holding its own tactically, were to be faced with the choice of either surrendering or initiating a nuclear exchange because of insufficient reserves.”

The U.S. needed a game-changing advantage, and that’s where stealth came into play.

The revolutionary F-117, the world’s first stealth jet entered the operational inventory in the 1980s. Paired with precision weapons in Operation Desert Storm, they changed the rules of modern combat.  The F-117 force flew less than 2 percent of the combat sorties but struck over 40 percent of the fixed targets.

The B-2 bomber soon followed and raised the game even further in subsequent conflicts.

Building on these incredible advances, Air Force leaders packaged stealth with electronic warfare, advanced sensors, increased on-board computer processing power, and advanced communications in the F-22 and F-35 fighters—a collaborative package termed 5th gen. By understanding the combat environment, not just evading detection, 5th-generation aircraft dynamically maximized opportunities while avoiding undue risk.

The combination of stealth and electronic warfare afforded advantages unlike anything ever seen before. Today, other aircraft can achieve parts of this technological equation, but the total integration of these capabilities is what makes 5th-generation aircraft unique.

Enemies can learn to overcome some aspects of 5th-gen technology in isolation, but not the game-changing total package. Just consider what the Israeli Air Force achieved when it struck targets deep inside Iran in 2024: They penetrated some of the most heavily defended airspace on the planet, successfully executed their missions, and all returned safely back to base. Many thought that sort of mission was impossible to survive.

Yet despite the strategic and performance advantage afforded by 5th gen, the United States never bought enough of these jets. The Air Force was originally supposed to acquire 750 F-22s but only ended up with 187. F-35 production was supposed to scale up dramatically in the 2010s, but never did. The original production plans would have provided the Air Force with 800 F-35s by 2020, but it ended up with just 272. That’s why USAF fighters today average a quarter century in age, and why Air Force pilots are increasingly at risk against advanced enemy threats.

There are many reasons for this imbalance. Most tie to inadequate defense budgets. As retired Gen. Herbert “Hawk” Carlisle, former commander of Air Combat Command, explained: “We [thought we had] a brief period where, given the counterterrorism fight and other situations in the world … we could take risk in the fighter force structure and get to 5th generation. We took that risk, we never got to 5th gen, and by the way, the world changed and is significantly more challenging and demanding than … we thought it was going to be in 2010.”  

Carlisle is hardly alone in his assessment. Gen. Mark “Grace” Kelly, another former ACC commander, remarked in 2022: “It’s like a bill that comes to your house … for 60 multirole fighter squadrons.”

It’s why Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin recently declared: “America needs more Air Force and it needs it now.”

We must heed these warnings. Resetting this glaring air superiority gap will require a multifaceted approach. New operational concepts and capabilities, like collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) and the newly announced F-47 next-generation air dominance fighter, will be key parts of the equation.

But the fastest, most effective way to boost the combat today remains buying more F-35s.

While it is no secret that the F-35 has suffered its share of development challenges, the aircraft are nevertheless the most capable, most affordable, and most effective combat jet in production, costing less than other fighters in production.

Time is not on America’s side. The nation must either take decisive steps to grow capacity now, or accept that we will fall short when a crisis erupts. That risks strategic defeat. Aircraft take time to build. Pilots and maintainers cannot learn their trade overnight.

We must invest now to cultivate the deterrent force America needs to secure peace through strength, or fight and win we must. It is time to get serious about the F-35.

Doug Birkey is Executive Director of AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. 

Memorial Day Remembrance

Memorial Day Remembrance

President John F. Kennedy said, “A nation reveals itself not only by the men (and women) it produces, but also by the men (and women) … it remembers.” Memorial Day led many of us to cemeteries, memorials, and flag poles in remembrance of Americans who died in service of their country. President Kennedy reminded us that Memorial Day doesn’t just hearken the memory of the fallen, but it serves also to alert adversaries of the very soul of our republic.

Little did I know that my assignment to Arlington National Cemetery as a young chaplain would be the pinnacle of my career. Chaplain, Col. Joe Matthews paved the way for my transfer from (now) JB Anacostia-Bolling Air Force Base, D.C., to Arlington, and in so doing crafted the apex of my career. For at Arlington, every day is Memorial Day. At Arlington, every day is a day that we honor America’s finest and proclaim to the world the stuff American is made of. 

I remember the glorious fall day my spotless shoes sank into ripples of dirt as I stood inches from the walnut casket that held the remains of a WWII veteran. I sensed that my committal prayers were already a fading memory. Raising my right hand, gloved in white, I offered to a gathering of 40 mourners my favorite benediction:

“Day is done,” I said, “gone the sun. From the lake, from the hills, from the sky. All is well, safely rest, God is nigh.”

My eyes surveyed the 50 or 60 mourners standing with me at graveside.

My benediction continued …

“Go now in the name of the One who promises never to leave us nor forsake us; go now in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Amen.”

            My right hand returned sharply to my side. My steel-plated heels clinked together as I snapped to attention. My salute signaled the Honor Guard to begin military honors.

            A noncommissioned officer snapped to attention barking orders from his distant post. Seven riflemen aimed their weapons high over the casket. The sound of M-1s pierced both the cloud-studded sky and the souls of mourners.

            Crack….

            Crack….

            Crack….

            Even the most stubborn of tears were liberated.

            Following three rifle volleys, a lone bugler sounded the haunting melody of “Taps.”

            Six Guardsmen in tailored ceremonial blues began to fold the flag that had draped the casket of our honored veteran. Snaps and slaps sounded as gloved hands forged a lifeless cotton flag into a sturdy reminder of Revolutionary War headgear and the core of American patriotism.

            With eerie silence, the folded flag rolled methodically through the hands of Honor Guardsmen to mine. With my right hand on top and left hand beneath, the blue and white flag froze in my grasp as the senior pallbearer offered a slow and dignified salute.

            I studied the flag, looking for evidence of red stripes bleeding through. A properly folded flag must show only nine stars set in a field of blue.

            The flag was now mine.

            My mission was to use that flag to help fill a barren heart and empty hands with meaning and hope.