House Makes Moves to Block Pentagon from Canceling E-7 Wedgetail

House Makes Moves to Block Pentagon from Canceling E-7 Wedgetail

House lawmakers are moving to keep the Air Force’s E-7 Wedgetail development program alive after the Pentagon announced plans to wind it down in the coming years.

During its markup of the annual defense policy bill July 15, the House Armed Services Committee tacked on an amendment from Rep. Donald Norcross (D-N.J.) that would block the Defense Department from using 2026 funding to end the Air Force’s E-7 prototyping contract with Boeing or to shut down production of the airborne target-tracking jet.

One day earlier, the powerful House Rules Committee also advanced an $831.5 billion defense spending package for 2026 that would bar the military from using federal dollars to pause or end pursuit of a Wedgetail fleet, or from preparing to do so. The bill similarly stops defense officials from moving money for the E-7 to fund another program.

Together, the measures illustrate Congress’ willingness to push back on the Trump administration’s decision to abandon one of the Air Force’s highest-priority acquisitions. If the provisions become law, the E-7 would become the latest example of the Pentagon and the executive branch’s frequent struggles to win congressional approval for major inventory changes.

Wedgetails—and their predecessor, the E-3 Airborne Warning and Control System—can spot incoming missiles and enemy aircraft from afar and direct the movement of other air assets accordingly. Instead of replacing the decades-old E-3s with the E-7, already flown by multiple U.S. allies, the Pentagon’s latest budget request would turn to Navy aircraft and then satellites to perform the moving target indication mission instead.

The Air Force had previously sought to buy a pair of bespoke E-7s, modified to meet the U.S. military’s unique requirements, for $2.6 billion before ramping up to a fleet of 26 operational jets. The service was slated to begin receiving them in fiscal 2028.

Proponents of the new fleet—including a bevy of former four-star generals who made their concerns public last week—argue space-based tracking isn’t mature enough to meet the U.S. military’s short-term need. Critics say the Wedgetail is too vulnerable to advanced air defenses wielded by the same militaries it’s designed to watch.

Despite their tacit approval of continuing the E-7 buy, House Rules members stopped short of allowing lawmakers to bolster the program with more money. The committee declined to add an amendment from Norcross, the highest-ranking Democrat on the House Armed Services tactical air and land forces panel, and Rep. Marilyn Strickland (D-Wash.) that would have brought next year’s funding for the E-7 program to nearly $800 million—a $300 million increase over the House’s original proposal.

A spokesperson for Norcross said the amendment was left out of the final package that the full House will vote on because it wasn’t deemed “in order,” or appropriate, to include with the bill.

The spending boost would have ensured House authorizers and appropriators are in lockstep in their support for the E-7 program, after the armed services committee released legislation last week green-lighting $799.7 million to continue prototyping. That’s four times as much money as the Trump administration requested for Wedgetails this year. 

Without the tweak, the House proposal puts $500 million toward the Wedgetail effort to sustain airborne early warning capability while new options mature. The measure now heads to the House floor for a vote by the full chamber.

It’s unclear whether the Senate will back the decision to end the E-7 buy. Senate appropriators haven’t yet released a Pentagon budget blueprint for 2026, and the Senate Armed Services Committee hasn’t published the full text of the defense policy bill it approved July 11. 

Space Force Unit that Tracked Iranian Missiles Earns New Honor 

Space Force Unit that Tracked Iranian Missiles Earns New Honor 

The Guardians of the 11th Space Warning Squadron were honored as the top U.S. Space Force unit for 2024 for their role in thwarting Iranian missile barrages last year.

The Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies selected the 11th SWS for the first-ever General Atomics Space Force Unit of the Year largely for unit’s the precise early warning of incoming missiles, which helped Air Force fighter pilots thousands of miles away launch to destroy hundreds of incoming Iranian missiles aimed at Israel in April and October of 2024.

The new award follows the Mitchell Institute’s annual General Atomics Remotely Piloted Aircraft Squadron of the Year award and seeks to recognize the achievements of Space Force units that often operate in the shadows from bases in the U.S. to deliver critical capabilities to front line warfighters.

When Iran began to launch missiles on April 13, alarms were set off at the 11th SWS and 2nd SWS operation centers. Just one missile will trigger an alarm that sounds “ding, ding, ding,” and before the attack was over, those alarms rang out 300 times. 

Crews of a half dozen Guardians scurried to track each missile, verify the data, and pass it along as quickly as possible. 

Capt. Abigail Flanner, weapons officer for the 11th, recalled how her teammates worked under extreme pressure in a recent episode of the Mitchell Institute’s Aerospace Advantage podcast.

“Those were both unprecedented attacks; we saw hundreds of missiles in a matter of minutes, and that really required us to look at how we’re doing our job,” Flannery said. “It really pushed our squadron to just figure out how [to] best tackle this new kind of threat … to make sure we’re providing that missile warning and missile defense that we need to be.”

Many of the Guardians proving themselves that day were newbies, not long out of high school, said Crew Chief Sgt. Jonathan Stark.

“This is their first responsibility right after high school, and we’re asking a lot of them,” Stark said. “And it’s just amazing to see how patient they are and how ready to accomplish the mission, and just how fired up they get for a mission.” 

Throughout 2024, the 11th SWS reported some 2,700 missile launches, evaluated game-changing battlefield technologies, and developed courses of action for responding to large-scale missile salvos. Their work that increased on-time warning by 69 percent, according to their awards package.

Based at Buckley Space Force Base, Colo., the 11th traces its roots to Operation Desert Storm, where it was first created to provide early warning of Iraqi Scud missile launches. Today, it operates the Space-Based Infrared Systems satellite constellation and the Overhead Persistent Infra-Red Battlespace Awareness Center.

The 11th is responsible for “so much more than missile warning and tracking,” said the squadron’s commander,  Lt. Col. Amanda Manship. It also evaluates emerging capabilities from Space Systems Command and sometimes delivers those capabilities “within days” to meet combatant commanders’ urgent battlefield requirements, she said.

During Iran’s April attack, the 11th was evaluating the next generation ground architecture for space based missile warning, known as the Future Operation Resilient Ground Evolution, or FORGE. That system will eventually replace the Space Awareness Global Exploitation, or SAGE, system, providing a scalable framework capable of handling greater volumes of missile launches more quickly, even while under cyber attack. 

“We were actually in a trial period during the April attacks … and my team not only was trying to assess this new system, but put it to the test under literal fire,” Manship said. “The team did great adapting to the new system and the new way it operated while still meeting the objectives of missile warning and tracking.”

The 11th is the first unit to receive the GA Space Force Unit of the Year award. The Mitchell Institute spent more than a year working with Space Force staff to develop the judging criteria and other aspects of the award, said Charles Galbreath, senior resident fellow for the institute’s Space Power Center of Excellence. Units compete on the basis of how effectively they accomplish their mission, their impact on the overall force, and the ways they demonstrate innovation. 

Manship said she was surprised when the 11th was selected, considering the caliber of talent throughout the Space Force. When she was able to share the news with her team, Manship said, she felt like a “proud mama hen” staring into their faces and seeing the “looks of proudness on all of their faces.”

The 11th will get to keep and display their trophy for a year, until it’s time for someone else to win. The trophy is decorated with the core values of the Space Force—character, commitment, connection and courage. 

Now, as Manship prepares for her change of command, she said she sees those values reflected in her Guardians daily.  

“I see it every single day with all of them,” she said, “regardless of rank, regardless of position. And they’re killing it.”

Carlyle ‘Smitty’ Harris, Vietnam POW Who Originated ‘Tap Code,’ Dies

Carlyle ‘Smitty’ Harris, Vietnam POW Who Originated ‘Tap Code,’ Dies

Retired Air Force Col. Carlyle “Smitty” Harris, who introduced the “tap code” used by prisoners of war to communicate from their separate cells during the Vietnam War, died July 6 at the age of 96.

Harris was shot down over North Vietnam on April 4, 1965, while flying an attack run against the Than Hoa bridge in an F-105 during the Rolling Thunder campaign. He was soon captured and was among the first American flyers imprisoned during the war. He survived nearly eight years of interrogation, torture, solitary confinement, and malnutrition—his weight plummeted from 160 to 90 pounds during that period.

Unable to use Morse Code on the concrete walls of their cells—because there was no way to make a “dash” noise—Harris and the other first three POWs worked out the Tap Code, which he remembered from a book about World War II prisoners of war. It used a five-by-five grid for the alphabet, which allows each letter to be represented by fewer than five taps (C and K shared the same grid square). Prisoners familiar with the code passed it on to new arrivals, despite the risk of severe punishment for doing so.

The code was crucial for communication, maintaining morale, and providing a means for the prisoners to feel less isolated and resist their captors. Harris told an interviewer that he would use the code when sweeping, or even coughing, since communications between prisoners was usually forbidden.  

During his captivity, Harris was imprisoned at the infamous “Hanoi Hilton” as well as the Son Tay POW camp and several other locations.

Repatriated during “Operation Homecoming” in 1973, Harris recovered from his ordeal for a year at Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala. While there, he completed Air War College, recertified as a pilot, and earned a Master’s in Business Administration from Auburn University in Montgomery. He remained on the Air War College faculty as a curriculum planner until his retirement in July 1979. During that time, he compiled the basis of his autobiography, “Tap Code: The Epic Survival Tale of a Vietnam POW and the Secret Code that Changed Everything,” largely about his experiences as a POW. Though he never planned to release the work, which he described as a “chronicle,” Harris bowed to long family pressure and published the book in 2019 to favorable critical reviews.

He retired from the Air Force having received two Silver Stars, three awards of the Legion of Merit, the Distinguished Flying Cross, two awards of the Bronze Star with V for Valor, two Air Medals, two awards of the Purple Heart, and two Commendation Medals. After the Air Force, Harris completed a law degree and practiced law in Mississippi, also managing a law firm and serving as a bank executive, while serving on numerous community charitable committees and organizations.

Ret. Col. Carlyle “Smitty” Harris, former Vietnam prisoner of war, and Ret. Lt. Col. Richard “Sonic” Johnson, former Columbus Air Force Base member, talk about Harris’ memorabilia Sept. 18, 2020, in Tupelo, Miss. U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Davis Donaldson

Harris was honored by the city of Tupelo, Miss. in 2015, which installed an F-105 painted to look like the one Harris flew in Vietnam in Veterans Memorial Park. Placards around the aircraft relate the tale of Harris’ mission and capture. In 2021, a post office in Tupelo was named after Harris by Congress, and the Smithsonian displays some of the artifacts of Harris’ internment, such as his tin cup.

Rep. Trent Kelly (R-Miss.) said that Harris was both a national and a local treasure.

“He was an amazing man and an amazing hero,” Kelly said. Harris “endured eight years of imprisonment under awful conditions” because “he was … a man of compassion and positive attitude.”

F-15EX Fighters Deploy to Japan for Training as Kadena Prepares for New Jets

F-15EX Fighters Deploy to Japan for Training as Kadena Prepares for New Jets

Two F-15EX Eagle II fighters arrived for training at Kadena Air Base, Japan, July 12 as the base gears up to receive a permanent fleet of the jets next spring.

The two F-15EXs deployed from the 85th Test and Evaluation Squadron at Eglin Air Force Base, Fla., to “conduct integration and familiarization training with local units” in Japan, Kadena’s 18th Wing said in a news release.

The Air Force has rotated fighters, including fifth-generation F-35s and F-22s and fourth-generation F-15Es and F-16s, through Kadena since 2022.

That’s when the Air Force announced plans to withdraw the 48 aging F-15C/D Eagles, based on Okinawa for the past five decades, and eventually replace them with 36 F-15EX Eagle IIs, the latest model of the jet. There has been a continuous U.S. fighter jet presence in Okinawa, a strategically important location some 400 miles east of Taiwan, since the 1950s.

“This short-term visit marks a key milestone in the Department of Defense’s ongoing effort to modernize U.S. airpower in the region and deter against evolving threats,” the wing’s release stated. “It also prepares Kadena personnel for the arrival and future sustainment of the F-15EX in Spring 2026.”

The 18th Wing declined to provide further details on what the training will entail in response to queries from Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Air Force leaders have expressed confidence that the transition to the Eagle II will be smooth, even as the service moves towards shorter deployments to smaller, more dispersed operating locations under the agile combat employment model. 

“The airplanes are new; the pilots, crews, and maintainers are not necessarily new,” Pacific Air Forces commander Gen. Kevin B. Schneider told Air & Space Forces Magazine last fall. “There will be some learning as it comes to putting a new platform into these environments, and we’ll probably learn a few lessons about the capabilities of the F-15EX … [but] I don’t think it’s going to be a significant transition.”

The visiting test F-15EXs can help ease that transition, the wing said.

“Bringing the F-15EX here gives our pilots and maintainers the chance to train in the environment where they’ll operate it daily,” Brig. Gen. Nicholas Evans, the outgoing 18th Wing commander, said in a release. “This visit ensures we can seamlessly integrate the aircraft into our mission sets and maintain the airpower advantages needed in this region.”

Brig. Gen. John Gallemore took over command of the 18th Wing from Evans July 14.

“This wing plays a critical role in safeguarding peace, strengthening our alliance with Japan, and standing ready to defend our shared interests in the region,” Gallemore said during the change-of-command ceremony.

The Air Force is modernizing its fleet of permanently stationed fighters elsewhere in Japan as well. In June, Misawa Air Base in Japan began transferring its F-16s to Osan Air Base in South Korea. Air Force officials said the move makes way for the F-35 Lightning II jets Misawa is slated to receive next spring, around the same time as Kadena will get its new aircraft. Osan, meanwhile, is using the F-16s to replace its retiring A-10 Thunderbolt II attack planes.

The Air Force plans to rotate a mix of fighters through Misawa, as it has done with Kadena, during the transition. Once complete, the 51st Fighter Wing will have given up 36 F-16s for 48 F-35s.

Misawa will be the Air Force’s second overseas base to permanently host the stealth jets, following RAF Lakenheath in England. The Marines have also deployed F-35Bs to Japan at Marine Corps Air Station Iwakuni.

Meanwhile, Kadena will have the latest fourth-generation fighters.

“Outfitted with cutting-edge avionics, advanced weapon systems, and expanded offensive and defensive capabilities, the F-15EX ensures Kadena remains postured to address the dynamic security environment in the Indo-Pacific region,” the 18th Wing said.

Air Force: Test B-21s Could Fly Combat Missions, Northrop Can Expand Production at Plant 42

Air Force: Test B-21s Could Fly Combat Missions, Northrop Can Expand Production at Plant 42

A production expansion of the Air Force’s next-generation bomber, the B-21 Raider, which is planned in the service’s fiscal 2026 budget, could be accommodated largely within aircraft manufacturer Northrop Grumman’s existing Palmdale, Calif., plant, according to the Air Force. The service also said that at least two of the bombers will be flying in 2026. While used for testing, they can be quickly configured for combat operations if necessary.

Both the Air Force and the Congress’s Reconciliation bill for 2026 include funding for a B-21 production increase. Asked by Air & Space Forces Magazine whether the increase could be done at existing facilities, an Air Force spokesperson said the “planned production expansion will be accomplished within the Northrop Grumman Palmdale, CA campus, as well as some Tier 1 supplier locations.”

Northrop Grumman referred all questions about the program to the Air Force.  

Northrop builds the B-21 at Air Force Plant 42 in Palmdale, Calif., in or adjacent to facilities that were used to build the B-2 in the 1990s. While the service did not name specific “Tier 1” suppliers that will also expand production, the Air Force identified a partial list of those suppliers in 2016. They include BAE Systems in Nashua, N.H.; Collins Aerospace in Cedar Rapids, Iowa; GKN Aerospace in St. Louis, Mo.; Janicki Industries in Sedro-Woolley, Wash., and Spirit AeroSystems in Wichita, Kan. RTX’s Pratt & Whitney division also makes the B-21’s engines.

In previous answers to B-21 budget questions, the Air Force said it is “committed to the successful fielding of the B-21 and is investing in the infrastructure necessary to support an increased yearly production capacity.” The increased spending is a “proactive measure” that will ensure “the long-term health and efficiency of the production line, enabling us to deliver this critical capability to the warfighter.”

The 2026 budget request—counting research and development as well as production—totals $10.3 billion for the B-21. Of that, the reconciliation bill provided $4.5 billion to be earmarked for expanded manufacturing. None of the budget documents discussed how much faster B-21s will be built, by when, or up to what total.

The production rate of the B-21 is classified, but is believed to be 7-8 aircraft per year.

The Air Force reiterated that “specific expansion details are not available” currently in its answers on July 11

The Air Force’s comments suggest that the majority of the funds allocated for increased B-21 production capacity can be allocated to additional tooling and workforce development at existing facilities, rather than constructing new factories that require extensive security, cooling, and specialized tooling.

Northrop said in the spring that it had taken a $477 million charge on the B-21 program to cover a “process change” in production to cover “a higher production rate.”

 The Air Force has only said its B-21 production target is “at least 100” aircraft. They are intended to replace the B-2 and B-1 in the early 2030s. Ellsworth Air Force Base, S.D., is planned to be the B-21 schoolhouse and first operational base. Military construction at Ellsworth has been underway for three years to prepare for the arrival of the new aircraft.

When the B-21 contract was awarded to Northrop in 2015—as the then-“Long-Range Strike Bomber” program—the Air Force said the first aircraft would be flying in “the mid-2020s” and that these aircraft would be “usable assets.” Service leaders at the time stated that this meant early B-21s would be capable of conducting combat operations if called upon.

Asked if these conditions are still in force—that initial aircraft could be modified for combat quickly by removing the nose boom and other instrumentation—the Air Force responded in the affirmative.

“Yes, the program is built on producing robust test aircraft that are as close to production aircraft configuration as possible,” the spokesperson said.

The service also said that “there will be at least two test-configured aircraft in FY26,” but acknowledged that the B-21 budget tables have “errors.” The service did not say when it expects to correct the numbers in the budget documents.

Whether those first two B-21s constitute initial operational capability is still unclear.

“Air Force Global Strike Command holds final authority on determining when B-21 has achieved IOC,” a service spokesperson said, “which represents when relevant operational capability is available to Combatant Commanders. The specific criteria are classified.”

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David W. Allvin may not be on board with sharply accelerating the B-21 buy. He told the Senate Appropriations Committee in June that the government shouldn’t be “overly zealous” about accelerating production “beyond a certain production rate.” In last year’s budget testimony he said the service may wish to buy out the 100 or so planned B-21s and move on to new technologies.

Tom Jones, Northrop’s corporate vice president and head of its aeronautics sector, said at the Center for a New American Security in June that increasing capacity generically “really comes down to, in the case of aircraft … it’s the factories … it’s floor space, it’s tooling. Once you get that running—and your supply chain—I think you have a lot of ability to look at how you can scale, ramp production, surge.” He argued that the defense industry writ large would probably invest more in surge production capacity, but this is currently not an allowable cost in contracts. Changing that would expand capacity, he said.

House, Senate Unveil Competing Proposals for 2026 Budget

House, Senate Unveil Competing Proposals for 2026 Budget

Lawmakers from the House and Senate laid out competing versions of the annual defense policy bill on July 11, with vastly different potential outcomes for some of the Air Force’s most embattled programs. 

The President Budget request submitted late last month includes funding for only 24 F-35A fighters, about half what the Air Force has acquired in each of the last several years. It also zeroes out funding for the E-7 Wedgetail airborne early warning and control aircraft. A group of retired Air Force generals, including six former Air Force chiefs of staff, signed a letter decrying those cuts and urging Congress to fund 75 new F-35As and to restore E-7 funding.

So far neither the Senate Armed Services Committee nor the House Armed Services Committee seem poised to adopt that plan.

The Senate committee, on a bipartisan vote, advanced its version of the 2026 National Defense Authorization bill, which authorizes—but does not fund—10 more F-35A fighter jets than the 24 the Pentagon requested for the Air Force. The committee’s plan bars the Air Force from retiring its remaining fleet of more than 100 A-10 close air support aircraft, however, jets the Air Force contends are not survivable in future peer conflict. 

The House Armed Services Committee, meanwhile, unveiled its initial draft of the authorization bill, called the Chairman’s mark, kicking off a lengthy amendment process that will unfold next week. The Chairman’s version is silent on the matter of F-35s, but would authorize an extra $600 million to save the E-7 Wedgetail airborne early warning and control aircraft. The HASC mark also endorses stripping out $200 million from development of the F-35 Block 4 upgrade and $380 million in development and procurement for the KC-46 tanker, citing delays with each.

It will take months to finalize the authorization measure. Considered must-pass legislation, it will require the two chambers to first complete their respective versions and then to meet in conference to hash out differences. 

E-7 Wedgetail

The E-7 is “a priority for the chairman and the ranking member”—Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) and Rep. Adam Smith (D-Wash.), according to a senior congressional staffer who briefed reporters on the HASC bill. The chairman’s mark would add $600 million to the nearly $200 million the Air Force requested for E-7 to wind down the program in 2026. The combined total of nearly $800 million would be the most invested to date in the E-7 program, which is supposed to yield a fleet of operational airborne early warning and battle management aircraft around the end of this decade.  

The Department of Defense has argued that it can cut those aircraft and rely instead on space-based solutions now in development. But observers, including the retired Air Force 4-stars, questioned the wisdom of giving up a known capability for something that is as yet unproven. Space-based moving target indications is a technology Air Force and Space Force officials believe will be viable eventually, but could prove vulnerable to jamming and other countermeasures.

Notably, the HASC markup does nothing to scale back the Pentagon’s space-based investments in air and ground moving target indication, enabling that development work to continue.  

At a July 10 media roundtable, former Air Force Space Command and U.S. Strategic Command boss Gen. Kevin P. Chilton said both efforts are needed. “There’s a tension here between deployment of assets that support the terrestrial fight and the real and present need for assets in space that support the space superiority fight,” he said. “And so there is going to be—there is—a huge demand signal on these low-Earth constellations that we want to put up. And so I’m a huge proponent of them, but I’m also a huge proponent of an air-breathing capability in the air-breathing domain to be able to do these same mission sets, whether they be reconnaissance, or GMTI, or AMTI.” 

The Senate Armed Services Committee, in its version of the authorization bill, made no mention of the E-7 in a lengthy executive summary. The full text of the legislation has yet to be released. 

A F-35A Lightning II assigned to the 95th Fighter Squadron soars through the skies during exercise Checkered Flag 25-2 at Tyndall Air Force Base, Fla., May 14, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Zeeshan Naeem

F-35 

In a list of 15 provisions in the bill affecting Air Force programs, the SASC executive summary notes that its version authorizes procurement for 34 F-35As. But while that’s 10 more than the Pentagon request of 24, it’s down from 44 in the 2025 budget. Worse, it’s far below what’s needed to rebuild a shrinking Air Force fighter fleet, the former Air Force leaders said.  

The Air Force has argued for years that it needs to buy 72 new fighters a year to gradually reduce the average age of its fighters. But former Air Combat Command boss Gen. John M. Loh said even that number might not be enough to match current demand for airpower.  

“We have desperately few and so 72 might not be the right number,” Loh said. “But it is, in my opinion, a minimum number to build back up the fighter force structure to deal with the threats that we face.” 

Congress has already funded 21 F-15EXs in the budget reconciliation action, known as the Big Beautiful Bill Act. Along with the 24 F-35As in the President’s budget request, that would account for 45 fighters in fiscal 2026. The House committee would authorize 10 more F-35As, but it would be up to appropriators to fund those aircraft. In past years, appropriators have gone a step further and funded additional aircraft above and beyond the authorization committee numbers.

Lawmakers in both chambers have been critical of F-35 maker Lockheed Martin over program delays and cost matters. The HASC chairman’s mark signaled that displeasure by cutting $208.7 million from F-35A research and development, specifically citing “Block 4 delays.” Block 4 encompasses a series of upgrades intended to enhance F-35 capabilities, but software and other delays have dogged the program for more than a year. On the other hand, instead of looking fund future capabilities, the HASC mark focuses on boosting existing F-35 readiness, proposing to invest an extra $250 million for spare parts. 

A-10 and KC-46 

The Air Force’s tortured history of trying, and failing, to retire the A-10 has dragged on for nearly two decades, and continues to be a frequent source of congressional angst. The A-10 “Warthog” is as beloved by ground-pounders as it is reviled by air experts, who see it as slow, outdated, and not survivable against advanced air defenses. Much of the fleet is in the Air National Guard, which has fierce support in Congress.  

Lawmakers had seemed to accept A-10 cuts in recent years, but this year they appear poised to hold the line against the Air Force’s plan to accelerate divestments and retire the entire fleet in 2026. The Senate version takes a hard line, proposing to ensure the inventory cannot “drop below 103 aircraft in FY26,” according to the executive summary. And while the House chairman’s mark did not touch the A-10, the senior congressional official told reporters that several HASC members have strong feelings on the issue and are likely to introduce an amendment. 

Another fault line between the House and Senate versions concerns the KC-46 tanker. After years of delivery pauses, deficiencies, and slow progress on resolving some of the stickiest issues, the Air Force appears to double down on the Pegasus in its fiscal 2026 budget request, continuing current purchases and paving the way for additional KC-46 buys once the current contract is through.

House lawmakers appear unconvinced that the Air Force is on the right track. The chairman’s mark would cut the authorization for KC-46 by $300 million, potentially trimming the buy by one or two aircraft next year. The House measure also proposes trimming research and development for new KC-46 capabilities by $80 million, citing a “program delay.” 

B-52 Bomber Task Force Kicks Off in Guam as Pacific Exercises Rev Up

B-52 Bomber Task Force Kicks Off in Guam as Pacific Exercises Rev Up

The Air Force kicked off a bomber task force deployment to Guam coinciding with a large-scale USAF exercise in the region that is intended to reinforce deterrence against China.

B-52H Stratofortress bombers deployed to Anderson Air Force Base, Guam, from their home at Minot Air Force Base, N.D., Air Force Global Strike Command, which oversees the nation’s bomber force, announced July 9. 

The bombers are operating as the 23rd Expeditionary Bomb Squadron while deployed and are assigned to the 5th Bomb Wing. The deployment is occurring during the Resolute Forces Pacific, or REFORPAC, exercise, which is scheduled to involve approximately 300 aircraft.

“This deployment is in support of Pacific Air Forces’ training efforts with Allies, partners, and joint forces and strategic deterrence missions to reinforce the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific region,” AFGSC said in a news release.

The command stated there were “multiple” B-52s deployed, but did not indicate how many bombers were part of the BTF. At least two B-52s flew to Guam, according to open-source flight tracking data.

U.S. Air Force Senior Airman Bethany Jones, 23rd Expeditionary Bomber Generation Squadron assistant dedicated crew chief, performs post-flight maintenance on a USAF B-52H Stratofortress after a Bomber Task Force mission at Andersen Air Force Base, Guam, July 7, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Vincent Padilla

For 16 years, the Air Force maintained a continuous bomber presence on Guam. That ended in 2020 when the service opted to rely on bomber task forces deploying from the U.S. instead to various locations around the world. But Guam remains a regular spot for U.S. bombers.

The Pentagon has not previewed the specific missions the B-52s are scheduled to conduct during their BTF deployment, which have generally been billed as unpredictable and flexible training events. However, AFGSC offered heavy hints that the bombers will likely be participating in one of the multiple exercises occurring in the Pacific this summer.

“This deployment includes support for regional Joint events,” the command stated.

The B-52s on Guam are not the only BUFFs deployed to the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command region. There are also four B-52s deployed on the island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, where they have been stationed since May after taking over for B-2 Spirits that conducted airstrikes against the Houthis in Yemen until the U.S. reached a ceasefire with the group.

Iranian Ballistic Missile Hit US Air Base in Qatar in June, Pentagon Reveals

Iranian Ballistic Missile Hit US Air Base in Qatar in June, Pentagon Reveals

A ballistic missile struck Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar during Iran’s attack on the base June 23, the Pentagon told Air & Space Forces Magazine July 11. 

After Iran attacked the base, the U.S. military’s largest in the Middle East, Defense officials touted the success of U.S. and Qatari Patriot anti-missile systems in blunting the missile attack. But until now, the Pentagon has not acknowledged that a missile got through and damaged the base.

“One Iranian ballistic missile impacted Al Udeid Air Base June 23 while the remainder of the missiles were intercepted by U.S. and Qatari air defense systems,” Pentagon chief spokesman Sean Parnell said in a statement to Air & Space Forces Magazine.

“The impact did minimal damage to equipment and structures on the base,” Parnell added. “There were no injuries. Al Udeid Air Base remains fully operational and capable of conducting its mission, alongside our Qatari partners, to provide security and stability in the region.”

Iran’s salvo of short-range and medium-range ballistic missiles followed U.S. military strikes on three of Iran’s nuclear sites the previous day.

Commercial satellite imagery, first reported this week by Iran International, a news outlet based in London, shows damage to a radome at the site after the attack.

The damage appears to have destroyed a radome that housed the modernization enterprise terminal (MET), a $15 million communications suite.

The MET “provides secure communication capabilities including voice, video and data services, linking service members in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility with military leaders around the world,” the Air Force said in a 2016 release.

The Modernized Enterprise Terminal sits inside a radome at Al Udeid Air Base, Qatar, Jan. 21, 2016. U.S. Air Force photo by Master Sgt. Joshua Strang

U.S. Central Command, which oversees U.S. forces in the region, reported in June that it had “successfully defended against the attack.”

But in a Pentagon briefing on June 26, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Air Force Gen. Dan Caine said there were “reports of something getting through.”

The base, which is normally defended by American and Qatari Patriot batteries, received additional U.S. Patriot systems that were relocated from Japan and Korea in advance of the attack.

In a post on Truth Social on June 23, President Donald Trump wrote that 13 missiles were intercepted and one missile was “set free” because it was not deemed a threat. “I am pleased to report that, in addition to no Americans being killed or wounded, very importantly, there have also been no Qataris killed or wounded,” Trump stated.

Trump added that the attack was “very weak.”

Caine offered a more detailed account in his briefing. “What we do know is there was a lot of metal flying around,” Caine said. “Between attacking missiles being hit by Patriots, boosters from attacking missiles being hit by Patriots, the Patriots themselves flying around and the debris from those Patriots hitting the ground, there was a lot of metal flying around, and yet our U.S. air defenders had only seconds to make complex decisions with strategic impact,” Caine said.

U.S. officials told Air & Space Forces Magazine they were not aware of significant damage to the base.

U.S. Air Force B-2 bombers and submarine-launched cruise missiles struck the three sites in the early hours of June 22, local time: the Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan facilities. Six B-2s dropped 12 GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrators (MOPs) on Fordow, and one B-2 dropped two MOPs on Natanz. Submarine-launched Tomahawk land-attack cruise missiles were launched at Isfahan. Iran vowed to retaliate,warned Qatar in advance that it was going to attack Al Udeid, according to media reports.

The sprawling air base is a joint U.S.-Qatari facility that is not only the largest and most important U.S. base in the Middle East, but also hosts the forward headquarters of U.S. Central Command and U.S. Air Forces Central. It is home to CENCTOM’s Combined Air Operations Center, the command center for airpower in the region. Al Udeid typically houses approximately 10,000 military and civilian personnel. Iranian missiles, either fired directly from Iran or its proxy forces, have been a persistent concern for U.S. forces over the years, and Qatar is located directly across the Persian Gulf from Iran.

The U.S. had taken steps to mitigate potential damage should Iran or its proxy forces attack U.S. forces in the region, moving most planes away from the base and evacuating it during the attack.

“Most folks had moved off the base to extend the security perimeter out away from what we assessed might be a target zone, except for a very few Army soldiers at Al Udeid,” Caine said. “At that point, only two Patriot batteries remained on base, roughly 44 American soldiers responsible for defending the entire base, to include CENTCOM’s forward headquarters in the Middle East, an entire air base, and all the U.S. forces there.”

USAF Moves F-16s from Japan to Korea, Clearing Way for F-35s

USAF Moves F-16s from Japan to Korea, Clearing Way for F-35s

The Air Force permanently transferred F-16 fighter jets from Misawa Air Base in Japan to Osan Air Base in South Korea late last month, the next step in its transition to base F-35s in Japan.

The move continues a modernization drive away from aging F-15C/Ds and A-10s. Osan’s 51st Fighter Wing said in a July 8 release that the F-16s from Misawa come with advanced capabilities, an apparent reference to USAF’s Post-Block Integration Team modernization program. PoBIT includes a new active electronically scanned array radar, center display, and more.

“These upgrades enhance our game a bit,” said Chief Master Sgt. Robert Parsons, senior enlisted leader of the 25th Fighter Generation Squadron, in the release. “The F-16’s new features give pilots greater spatial awareness, helping them see the battlefield more clearly. As we move closer to 2027, having a capable aircraft now, instead of waiting for a new airframe, is critical.”

A wing spokesperson declined to say how many F-16s were transferred or if any existing F-16s at Osan were divested or transferred to make way for the new jets. “At this time, we are not disclosing the specific number of transferred assets or any end-strength numbers outside of what has been previously released,” the spokesperson said.

F-16 Fighting Falcons arrive at Osan Air Base, Republic of Korea, June 26, 2025. The F-16s were transferred from Misawa Air Base, Japan and have undergone a series of avionics system upgrades. U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Sarah Williams

But the release said the new jets bolster the 51st Wing’s “ability to ensure peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.” Osan is located about 50 miles from the border with North Korea, and 250 miles across the Yellow Sea from China.

The transfer is just the latest move by the Air Force to bolster its fleet at Osan. Last year, the 7th Air Force, which oversees USAF forces in Korea, announced it was conducting a “Super Squadron” test by transferring nine F-16s to Osan from Kunsan Air Base. Earlier this year, it announced it was expanding and extending that test, sending an extra 31 fighters to Osan.

The Misawa transfer is distinct, however, from the Super Squadron test, the spokesperson said.

“The intake of these F-16s is more aligned with our overarching efforts to maintaining an overwhelming force posture in the region and adapting to evolving global threats,” the official said. “F-16s related to the Super Squadron test will be transferring from Kunsan Air Base over the summer months as the wing works toward the second phase of the Super Squadron test.”

The F-16s take the place of Osan’s A-10 close air support aircraft, which are being retired from the base this year. Meanwhile, Misawa is shedding its F-16s to make room for F-35 that are slated to start arriving next spring.

“The divestment of F-16s from the 35th Fighter Wing at Misawa Air Base is part of the DOD’s planned modernization of tactical aircraft in Japan and the transformation of Misawa AB to a dedicated F-35 base,” said a spokesperson for the 35th Fighter Wing, responding to Air & Space Forces Magazine. “This transition underscores the U.S. commitment to maintaining air superiority in the Indo-Pacific region with the most advanced fighter aircraft.  The forthcoming F-35 arrival at Misawa represents a significant enhancement to our capabilities, allowing us to project fifth-generation airpower and further strengthen our alliances in the region.”

Air Force officials previously told Air & Space Forces Magazine they plan to rotate fighters through Misawa to bridge the gap between the departure of the F-16s and the arrival of the F-35s. USAF has also cycled fighter jets through Kadena Air Base on the Japanese island of Okinawa, while awaiting the assignment of a permanent F-15EX unit to Okinawa next spring.