CCA Fighter Drones Start Ground Testing Ahead of First Flights

CCA Fighter Drones Start Ground Testing Ahead of First Flights

The two prototypes for the Air Force’s Collaborative Combat Aircraft program have started ground testing, Air Force Chief Staff Gen. David W. Allvin announced May 1, ahead of a planned first flight this summer.

The development is another sign that the Air Force’s plans to move fast on the initial “Increment 1” of the program are on track.

“This is a huge milestone and another step toward first flight and rapid delivery to our warfighters,” Allvin wrote in a post on X. He had recently teased there was “big news” coming on the CCA program following a meeting with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth this week.

The two CCAs are the General Atomics Aeronautical Systems YFQ-42A and Anduril Industries’ YFQ-44A—the first unmanned aircraft in the Air Force inventory to receive a fighter designation. A winner for the Increment 1 competition is supposed to be announced sometime after October. Production of as many as 200 of the autonomous aircraft is supposed to be underway by 2028.

These first CCA aircraft are intended for a purely air-to-air mission: to carry additional missiles for the F-22 and F-35, which have a limited number of shots because they must carry missiles internally to remain stealthy. Pilots of the two frontline fighters have for years asked the Air Force to find a way to expand the number of weapons they can shoot per sortie. The CCA has emerged as at least one solution.

The CCA program is intended to provide the Air Force with “affordable mass,” dramatically expanding the number of aircraft and missiles the combat fleet can put in the air, and compelling an adversary to treat each one as a fully-capable threat aircraft. The idea is to overwhelm and confuse a defender as aircraft approach on multiple axes of attack.

Both the Anduril “Fury” and the as-yet unnamed General Atomics CCA take off and land conventionally on a runway. The Air Force has experimented with other autonomous craft, however, that launch from a vehicle on the ground and are either recovered vertically or are caught in a net.       

While future iterations of the CCA are expected to carry out missions such as electronic warfare and ground attack, the Air Force has not yet released a roadmap explaining its plans for those aircraft.

In fact, the characteristics of Increment 2, which is set to get underway next year, remain undecided, according to Maj. Gen. Joseph D. Kunkel, head of Air Force Futures, who nevertheless has suggested it will be less, not more sophisticated than Increment 1.

Speaking on an AFA Warfighters in Action discussion April 24, Kunkel said that while there remain options for Increment 2 to be a “more exquisite” aircraft, “it’s probably going to closer to this low-end thing.”

Though Air Force leaders in the Biden administration suggested that Increment 2 would need more capabilities than Increment 1, Kunkel said extensive wargaming has shown that “there’s going to be room … for other capabilities that aren’t as exquisite … that are cheaper, that provide mass.”

He also said that in the quest for operational flexibility and low cost, CCAs might be launched in “other ways” than from a runway, “that don’t rely on bases,” suggesting they could be air-launched.

It’s unclear, though, where the Air Force sees the cost and capability boundaries between Increment 1—with an estimated price of $27-$30 million apiece—Increment 2, and expendable cruise missiles. The service has in recent years conducted “Rapid Dragon” experiments in which pallets of cruise missiles are dropped out of the back of cargo aircraft. Those experiments did not involve a recovery mechanism, though.

The CCA program parallels the Air Force’s Next-Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) program and is funded through the same budget line. The “family of systems” that comprise NGAD include CCAs and the crewed centerpiece of the formation, now known as the F-47. Service and industry leaders have recently said that tests have shown that F-22 and F-35 pilots can manage as many as six CCAs concurrently with their other flying demands.

Pentagon Editor Chris Gordon contributed to this report.

Why Disaster Insurance Is Essential—No Matter Where You Live

Why Disaster Insurance Is Essential—No Matter Where You Live

Disasters strike without warning, leaving destruction in their wake. Many assume disaster insurance is only necessary for those living in high-risk areas, but the truth is, 97% of the U.S. population lives in a county covered by a federal disaster declaration since 2020. That means nearly everyone faces some level of risk.

Traditional homeowners and renters insurance often have coverage gaps that could leave you financially vulnerable. That’s where disaster insurance steps in—it provides supplemental coverage to help you recover quickly, whether it’s paying for temporary housing, repairs, or replacing essential belongings.

The Misconception About Risk

One of the biggest mistakes people make is assuming disaster insurance is only for those in disaster-prone areas. But natural catastrophes have grown more unpredictable due to variety of reasons, including urban expansion and shifting environmental patterns. 

Even if your area has never been affected by a disaster before, future risks are impossible to predict. Preparing ahead with disaster insurance ensures financial stability—no matter where you live.

What Is Disaster Insurance and How Does It Work?

Disaster insurance is a supplemental policy designed to fill the gaps in traditional homeowners or renters insurance. Unlike standard policies, which often limit payouts and exclude certain disasters, disaster insurance provides a lump sum payout after a state or federally declared natural disaster.

This money can be used however you need—whether for securing temporary housing, making urgent repairs, or replacing lost essentials. Unlike traditional policies that have high deductibles and exclusions, disaster insurance offers flexibility and peace of mind when recovering from a catastrophe.

The Financial Risks of Being Underinsured

Even if you have homeowners or renters insurance, your policy might not provide the full protection you need. Studies show that most homes are underinsured by as much as 20% of their value, meaning homeowners could be left paying thousands out of pocket to rebuild.

Common coverage gaps include:

  • High deductibles—forcing homeowners to pay large amounts before insurance coverage kicks in.
  • Exclusions for certain disasters—such as earthquakes or storm surges, which are often not covered.
  • Limits on claims—some policies cap the amount paid, regardless of damage extent.
  • Depreciation on repairs—your roof, appliances, and belongings may only be covered at their depreciated value, rather than full replacement cost.

Disaster insurance helps bridge these gaps, ensuring you have financial support when the unexpected happens.

Who Needs Disaster Insurance? (Hint: Nearly Everyone)

Regardless of where you live, disaster insurance is a smart investment. If you rent or own a home, have valuables to protect, or simply want financial security in the face of unexpected disasters, this coverage can be a game-changer.

Since nearly every county in the U.S. has faced federally declared disasters in recent years, disaster insurance is relevant to everyone—not just those in high-risk regions. It’s proactive protection against financial hardship, ensuring you can recover without draining your savings or struggling with the limitations of traditional insurance policies.

Preparing for the Unexpected

The future is unpredictable, but your financial security doesn’t have to be. Disaster insurance offers protection and peace of mind, ensuring that when catastrophe strikes, you have the resources to recover quickly.

Don’t wait for disaster to teach you a costly lesson—prepare today. As an AFA member, you have exclusive access to the first and only multi-peril disaster coverage. Learn more about Recoop Disaster Insurance and safeguard your home, belongings, and financial future now.

NORAD Boss: Fighters Will ‘Certainly’ Play Role in Golden Dome

NORAD Boss: Fighters Will ‘Certainly’ Play Role in Golden Dome

Since President Donald Trump first unveiled his “Golden Dome” missile defense initiative in late January, much of the focus has been on space—how the Pentagon may deploy dozens, if not hundreds, of sensors and interceptors into orbit to protect the continental U.S. from missile barrages. 

But the Air Force general in charge of homeland defense reminded lawmakers April 30 that fighter jets will play a major role too.

Gen. Gregory M. Guillot, head of U.S. Northern Command and North American Aerospace Defense Command, emphasized the importance of a “layered” approach to missile defense during a House Armed Services Committee hearing.

And when Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), himself a retired Air Force brigadier general, pointed out that “aircraft play a role too” in Golden Dome, Guillot readily agreed. 

“I think you’re exactly right,” Guillot told Bacon. “As we envision the entire network, it would include space-based AMTI—airborne moving target indication—which would detect and track aircraft and cruise missiles; a land-based capability such as Over-the-Horizon Radar; and certainly fighter aircraft with capable interceptor missiles to defeat cruise missiles.” 

Bacon noted that Guillot’s predecessor, Air Force Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, had expressed concern about having enough aircraft on alert. And Guillot himself has said he is working to find the right balance of “just-in-time” and “just-in-case” forces. 

NORAD and NORTHCOM regularly scramble fighters to intercept Russian aircraft that come near North America, as well as other threats or concerns that pop up around the U.S. Fighters also played a key role in tracking and downing a Chinese spy balloon that transited the continental U.S. in 2023. 

But perhaps the most prominent example of how fighters and other aircraft can contribute to the Golden Dome initiative took place over the Middle East last year, when F-15s and F-16s helped shoot down Iranian missiles and drones being launched at Israel. 

Bacon noted that success in his questioning, saying that he “would never have thought that we could shoot down 99 percent of 110 ballistic missiles and then later 180 ballistic missiles at a 99 percent [kill rate].” 

Fighters engaged and downed many of those missiles and drones in a “first wave” of defense, and ground-based systems took out others later. That combined approach is critical, said Guillot and Lt. Gen. Sean A. Gainey, head of Army Space and Missile Defense Command. 

“If there’s anything that we’ve learned over the last year or two years in Israel, the eastern Mediterranean, and Ukraine, it’s that a layered missile defense approach and design is paramount to the large-rate sizes that we’ve seen,” said Gainey.

Space-based interceptors would be a new layer in that defense, albeit a technically difficult one. Lawmakers are planning to pump billions of dollars into the effort, and Missile Defense Agency director Lt. Gen. Heath A. Collins said he hopes to use those funds to start “agile prototyping construct as quickly as possible, whether that be directed energy, nonkinetics, or space-based interceptors.” 

“I think we look to do a very heavy cyclical prototyping phase to get after that and mature that capability as quickly as possible,” he added. 

US Has Struck Over 1,000 Houthi Targets in Renewed Campaign

US Has Struck Over 1,000 Houthi Targets in Renewed Campaign

U.S. forces have struck more than 1,000 Houthi targets in Yemen since March 15, U.S. officials said, as the Trump administration’s campaign against the militants reached the 45-day mark.

Dubbed Operation Rough Rider, the campaign has drawn on U.S. Navy and Air Force warplanes and drones and shows no sign of slowing down. The Pentagon has devoted considerable resources to the effort under U.S. Central Command, including six B-2 Spirit Stealth bombers, two aircraft carriers and their accompanying strike groups, and other aerial assets.

“CENTCOM strikes have hit over 1,000 targets, killing Houthi fighters and leaders, including senior Houthi missile and UAV officials, and degrading their capabilities,” Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Sean Parnell said in an April 29 statement, a total reiterated by National Security Advisor Mike Waltz on April 30. That assessment marked a significant increase from an April 27 estimate of over 800 targets hit provided by CENTCOM.

The campaign against the Houthis has also been broadened to include Britain, which on April 29 participated in airstrikes for the first time since Trump took office. In a nighttime strike, Royal Air Force Typhoon FGR4 fighters used Paveway IV guided bombs to attack a “cluster of buildings” used to manufacture drones that the Houthis have used to attack ships in the busy waterways near Yemen, according to the U.K. Ministry of Defense. That attack, which was carried out in a joint operation with the U.S., was supported by Voyager aerial refueler tankers.

“This action was taken in response to a persistent threat from the Houthis to freedom of navigation,” British Defense Secretary John Healey said in a statement.

The Houthis have been attacking international shipping in the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait since late 2023 in response to Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza. The Houthi attacks have hit commercial ships, leading to a large drop-off in shipping in the Red Sea, which connects to the Mediterranean Sea via the Suez Canal, forcing commercial traffic to reroute around Africa.

The U.S. military engaged in a long military campaign against the Houthis under the Biden administration, and Trump stepped it up even more, including attacks against Houthi leaders. 

“These strikes have killed hundreds of Houthi fighters,” CENTCOM said in a rare update on the operation April 27. “The strikes have destroyed multiple command-and-control facilities, air defense systems, advanced weapons manufacturing facilities, and advanced weapons storage locations. These storage facilities housed advanced conventional weapons, including anti-ship ballistic and cruise missiles, unmanned aerial systems, and uncrewed surface vessels, which were employed in Houthi terrorist attacks on international shipping lanes.”

On social media, CENTCOM, commanded by Army Gen. Michael “Erik” Kurilla, often shares imagery of fighter jets launching, referring to “24/7 operations” and using the hashtag #HouthisAreTerrorists in its posts.

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David W. Allvin struck a similar tone in an April 30 post on social media, saying the service has participated in “continuous strikes against Iran-backed Houthis.”

But in contrast to previous campaigns, the Trump administration and the military have withheld many details about the operations.

“To preserve operational security, we have intentionally limited disclosing details of our ongoing or future operations. We are very deliberate in our operational approach, but will not reveal specifics about what we’ve done or what we will do,” CENTCOM said.

CENTCOM says that Houthi ballistic missile launches have dropped by 69 percent and attacks from one-way attack drones have decreased by 55 percent since the start of the operation.

The missions have involved a sizable commitment of resources. The B-2s have been deployed to the military outpost of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean for the last month, an unusually long deployment for the high-maintenance stealth bomber, and have carried out airstrikes on the Houthis. The aircraft carriers USS Harry S. Truman and USS Carl Vinson are both operating in the waters near Yemen. It is extremely rare for two carriers to be operating in the Middle East together for an extended period of time. Pricey munitions, including cruise missiles and guided bombs, have also been employed by U.S. forces.

The Houthis have alleged that the U.S. military has caused hundreds of civilian casualties, particularly in strikes against Ras Isa fuel port earlier this month—one of the few specific targets CENTCOM has publicly disclosed, which the Houthis say caused around 70 deaths—and a strike on April 28 that is alleged to have killed nearly 70 African migrants.

The April 28 strike resulted in “a high number of casualties, many of whom were migrants,” the International Committee of the Red Cross said in a statement. Before that strike, there were over 500 civilian casualties—158 killed, 342 injured—reported as the result of apparent U.S. strikes between the beginning of Operation Rough Rider on March 15 and April 22, according to the Yemen Data Project, a nonprofit group.

Asked about the claims of civilian casualties, a U.S. defense official said, “CENTCOM is aware of the reports and is taking them seriously.”

“We are currently conducting our battle-damage assessment and inquiry into those claims,” the official told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

The U.S. campaign has come at the cost of at least seven MQ-9 Reapers that have been lost over Yemen since the beginning of March—six since the current campaign began on March 15—according to U.S. officials. The Houthis have claimed credit for shooting down the drones. The roughly $30 million MQ-9s are employed as both strike assets and to surveil targets, and the current U.S. campaign differs from operations under the Biden administration in its focus on Houthi leaders, as well as its scope.

On April 28, one of Truman’s F/A-18E Super Hornets, along with a tow tractor, fell off the carrier and sank, according to the Navy, and an F/A-18F off the Truman was shot down in a friendly fire incident by the USS Gettysburg cruiser in December before the current, more intense operation began. The Sailors involved in both incidents managed to escape relatively unharmed.

“We will continue to ratchet up the pressure until the objective is met, which remains the restoration of freedom of navigation and American deterrence in the region,” CENTCOM said in its April 27 statement.

A U.S. Air Force A-10 Thunderbolt II returns to combat patrol after being refueled over the Red Sea, April 15, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Christopher Lyons
Pentagon Poised to Replenish Munitions Stockpiles with Billions from Congress

Pentagon Poised to Replenish Munitions Stockpiles with Billions from Congress

After years of serving as the bill-payer for other Pentagon priorities, munitions stockpiles are poised to get a major boost from the $150 billion reconciliation package unveiled by lawmakers in Congress this week, along with the defense industrial base to produce them.

The package, approved by the House Armed Services Committee on April 29, includes sections with $20.4 billion for munitions and their supply chain and $13.5 billion for low-cost weapons. That covers money for everything from long-range missiles used by multiple services—particularly anti-ship missiles—to hypersonic missiles to low-cost cruise missiles to one-way attack drones.

The reconciliation bill effectively supplements the 2025 budget being funded by continuing resolution. The Trump administration is projecting a 2026 defense budget of $1 trillion, but the reconciliation adds are not part of that figure.

If approved, the new spending would see large increases to buy or develop long-range missiles applicable to multiple services–particularly anti-ship missiles–with boosts to hypersonic missile funding and one-way attack drones of the kind that have proven effective in the Ukraine war.

The package also includes money to boost the resiliency of the supply base for materials such as rare Earth metals, and to buy Army land-based munitions, Navy torpedoes and mines, and rockets and motors to support missile defense systems.

Missiles

The emphasis on long-range cruise missiles dovetails with posture testimony offered by regional commanders this spring, who all laid out the need to shoot at enemy targets—at least in the initial stages of a conflict—from outside the reach of air defenses, the range of which continues to expand.  

The package includes $938 million for such multi-service missiles—$688 million to develop and procure them, and $250 million to expand production capacity. Lawmakers didn’t specify which programs they were targeting with these increases, nor did they spell out how much of the money is intended to support specific branches.

Another combined $780 million would go for development, procurement, and expanded production of Navy and Air Force “long-range anti-ship missiles.” Lockheed Martin’s stealthy AGM-158C Long-Range Anti-Ship Missile, or LRASM, currently dominates this sector.  

A total of $584 million would go to development, production, and capacity expansion for long-range air-to-surface missiles used by the Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps.

One program seemingly poised to expand is the AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missile built by RTX. Lawmakers want to put $250 million to buy “medium range air-to-air-missiles,” $225 million to “expand the production base” for those weapons, and $50 million to mitigate “diminishing manufacturing sources” that support such missiles, for a total of $525 million.

Another individual winner seems to be Northrop Grumman”s Advanced Anti-Radiation Guided Missile- Extended Range, or AARGM-ER. The package includes “$325 million for production capacity improvements for air-launched anti-radiation missiles.”

Even short-range air-to-air missiles like the AIM-9X Sidewinder, also built by RTX, got a boost, to the tune of $50 million to boost the production capacity by establishing “second sources” for weapon parts.

As more and more companies like Anduril and Lockheed Martin unveil new low-cost cruise missiles, Congress signaled interest in growing the market with $500 million for development and production of such weapons suitable for export to allied and partner nations.

The Barracuda-500 cruise missile, one of a variety of advanced products Anduril will likely produce at its new facility near Columbus, Ohio.

Drones

One of the largest single boosts in the package was $1 billion for “expansion of the one-way attack unmanned aerial systems industrial base” to produce weapons similar to those used with great effect in the Ukraine war.

As a mission area, counter-unmanned aerial systems capability was tapped for more than $1 billion, collectively, with $500 million for development, production and integration of such systems, $350 million pegged to development, production and integration of “non-kinetic” counter-UAS  and $250 million for “development, production, and integration of land-based counter-unmanned aerial systems programs.” These funds were listed among Army programs, but may not be strictly to support Army efforts.

Industrial Base

The package includes $600 million for “investments in the solid rocket motor industrial base … and emerging solid rocket motor industrial base,” dominated by Northrop Grumman, and $42 million to develop “second sources for large-diameter solid rocket motors for hypersonic missiles.” A possible benefactor of these funds is L3Harris’ Aerojet Rocketdyne unit, which is the next-largest maker of SRMs after Northrop.

Another section included $1 billion “for the creation of next-generation automated munitions production factories,” but it wasn’t specified whether these funds supported relatively simple items like artillery shells or new low-cost cruise missile factories like those recently announced by Anduril.

About $1.5 billion, collectively, was provided for joint prototyping experimentation, acceleration of 5G and 6G technologies, and cross-service networking and kill chain development. Some $3 billion was allotted to the Defense Innovation Unit to pursue dual-use “innovative technologies” applicable to both the commercial world and defense, aimed at lowering costs for defense needs.

The package also includes $2.5 billion in funding to assist mines in gearing up to increase their production of critical materials, such as rare Earth elements, through the National Defense Stockpile program.

Meeting the Software Challenge: How the Air Force Is Embracing New Acquisition Rules

Meeting the Software Challenge: How the Air Force Is Embracing New Acquisition Rules

Editor’s Note: This is the first in a three-part series exploring the opportunities and challenges facing the Trump administration’s changes to how the Pentagon buys software.

When Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth addressed the Army War College last week, he mentioned changes to the way the military buys software alongside Golden Dome and the F-47 as key to his goal of “rebuilding the military.”

In a memo last month, Hegseth doubled-down on a new rule book for the way the U.S. military buys software. The memo mandates the use of the Software Acquisition Pathway, a five-year-old effort to reshape a military procurement process built for industrial age military hardware like tanks and ships, and fit it to buying modern software.

And Lt. Gen. Luke C.G. Cropsey, who heads the Air Force’s most consequential IT acquisition programs, says he’s already using the authorities that Hegseth foot-stomped in the memo to contract directly with commercial startups and bring cutting edge software into the huge, complex programs he manages.

The Software Acquisition Pathway was developed by a blue-ribbon commission and passed by Congress in 2019 to address concerns about huge delays and budget overruns in software-heavy acquisition programs like the F-35. But the pathway was a voluntary option prior to Hegseth’s memo and only a small number of programs are using it so far.

Hegseth’s memo says it should be the “preferred option” for all major software purchases going forward.

And the memo also mandates the use of new, much more flexible acquisition tools, which aim to short-circuit long-established rules about how the government spends taxpayer dollars, to help the military buy cutting edge technological capabilities more quickly.

Almost no one seems to think that the way the U.S. military currently buys software is effective. But while the Software Acquisition Pathway has existed for nearly five years now, government auditors have noted that it is rarely used by major weapons programs because of gaps in training and resources—suggesting Hegseth may face big challenges in his push to make it the default option.

Of 53 software-intensive major weapons programs looked at by the Government Accountability Office last year, only one reported it was using the pathway. And GAO Director of Contracting and National Security Acquisitions Shelby Oakley told Air & Space Magazine that program was no longer using the pathway.

“We would like to see more use of that pathway by these programs, but we’re just not seeing that at this point,” she said.

When program managers were asked why they weren’t using the then-optional software pathway, Oakley said, their response varied.

“Some said, ‘Oh, it’s not applicable to us,’ or, ‘The contractor is doing the software, we don’t have any insight,’ all sorts of things like that,” she said.

But one reason that stood out, she said, was resources. “Programs told us, and told [the office of the undersecretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment] that they felt like they didn’t have specialized people to do this, that they didn’t have the expertise,” she said. They ended up relying on contractor support. “In order to do these modern, agile developments, you need a program office and a program manager that have the skills to oversee these activities,” Oakley said.

There was a “disconnect” between the policy and the resources, she added. “It is a little bit unrealistic to think that folks will just magically know exactly how to do this and understand what this might look like for what they see as a more traditional weapons program effort.”

Lt. Gen. Luke Cropsey is responsible for developing the overarching architecture that can turn Combined Joint All-Domain Command and Control (CJADC2) from a concept into an operational reality. Mike Tsukamoto/staff

A New Way of Buying Software

Cropsey, who heads the Air Force Program Executive Office (PEO) for Command, Control, Computers, and Battle Management (C3/BM) told Air & Space Forces Magazine he was already using many of the authorities Hegseth is promoting as part of a drive to embrace software innovation. “What we’re doing with [Cloud-Based Command and Control] is exactly the direction the SecDef’s memo is pushing us,” Cropsey said.

CBC2 is the modern, cloud-based software replacement for the aging Battle Control System–Fixed—the Cold War-era system used to defend North American airspace by NORAD, the joint U.S.-Canadian air defense organization. Ground stations across North America monitor and track possible airspace intrusions, said Cropsey, and feed that data to NORAD HQ. “But the equipment that they’re using has been around for decades and decades and decades,” he said.

In the industrial age model of contracting, Cropsey said, the Air Force would award a contract for a new air defense system or a jet fighter to a single company which would produce it for decades, on the assumption that, with the resources of the United States behind it, it could outpace any technological competitors. But in the new innovation era, the service had to be ready to be a “fast follower,” adopting new technological advances, from wherever they spring, as quickly as possible.

“The paradigm is rapid, incremental, buys of emerging capabilities,” Cropsey said.

The capabilities he hopes to leverage in CBC2, he said, “grew out of a number of prototype collaborations that we have with folks like DIU” and other innovation shops.

The new authorities in the Software Acquisition Pathway and the novel contracting tools mandated in the Hegseth memo “allow us to contract directly with those non-traditional cutting edge software providers in the commercial market for the things that we needed,” Cropsey said.

Industry software teams participate in the Department of the Air Force’s Advanced Battle Management System Cross-Functional Team first software sprint experiment to examine software solutions for enhanced command and control in conjunction with the Shadow Operations Center – Nellis, at the Howard Hughes Operations, or H2O, facility in Las Vegas, Nevada, Sept. 9-13, 2024. U.S. Air Force photo

From Pathway to OTA

Traditionally, Cropsey explained, the way major weapons systems would seek to leverage a startup with exciting new capabilities would be as a subcontractor to a large defense prime, because the small, new company would not be able to meet the onerous requirements to qualify to bid on government contracts.

But the Hegseth memo directs all software programs use two alternative acquisition tools: Other Transaction Authority (OTAs) and Commercial Solutions Offerings (CSOs), which dispense with many of those requirements.

Cropsey said the CBC2 team used a different alternative acquisition tool, Small Business Innovation Research contracts (SBIRs) Phase III, to directly engage software vendors and bring them onto the program quickly.

“A Phase III basically allows anybody to come get you [the vendor] on contract as a sole source, very, very rapidly,” he said. “So we had a direct contractual relationship with them, not a typical prime to sub relationship that a lot of these different contracts have had historically.”

That meant the CBC2 team could use the startups to deal with issues or bugs as incremental capabilities were rolled out to users, while also developing the next generation of capabilities. “We could go in and very, very rapidly pivot those software providers to the things that were getting curated in that DevSecOps backlog and that pipeline,” he said.

These alternative acquisition tools make it easier to get vendors, especially non-traditional ones like the software startups working CBC2, on contract and working, Cropsey said.

“The drawback,” he said, “is you need contracting officers that understand the authorities associated with these contract vehicles, because they’re outside of the typical Defense Federal Acquisition Regulations that most contracting officers grow up doing. So it’s a different skill set.”

Writing and managing OTA contracts is taxing, and not just because they’re different from conventional procurement tools, said Oakley. They’re also less proscriptive and less structured, meaning it takes more work to create them.

Oakley compared drawing up an OTA contract to “creating it from scratch versus following the formula of a regular, DFAR-based contract.”

They can also be harder to manage, she added, and GAO had “raised some concerns about the ability to effectively oversee these OTAs and really structure them in a way that gets the government what it wants.”

Part 2 will probe the origins of the Software Acquisition Pathway as part of an acquisition reform movement in DOD. Part 3 will look at questions about the pathway and the flexible acquisition tools that accompany it.

Many US Bases Still Lack Sufficient Tech to Track Drone Incursions: DOD Officials

Many US Bases Still Lack Sufficient Tech to Track Drone Incursions: DOD Officials

Pentagon officials overseeing homeland counter-drone strategy told lawmakers that even with preliminary moves to bolster U.S. base defenses, the military still lacks the capability to comprehensively identify, track, and engage hostile drones like those that breached the airspace of Langley Air Force Base in Virginia for 17 days in December 2023.

Members of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform voiced frustration during the April 29 hearing that the chaotic Langley episode paralyzed commanders’ ability to respond and ultimately forced F-22 fighters to be relocated to other bases. More drone incursions were later reported around other military bases, including USAF installations from Utah to the United Kingdom.

“There were over 350 detections of drones at 100 different military installations last year alone,” Rep. William Timmons (R-S.C.) said. “These incursions are not from hobbyists being blown off course. The multitude of drones reported flying over bases in the past several years revealed a coordinated effort by our adversaries to collect valuable intelligence and surveillance of some of our most sensitive military equipment.”

Timmons added that it shows that base commanders have “inadequate or nonexistent monitoring capabilities” and a lack of counter-drone capabilities.

Mark Ditlevson, acting assistant Secretary of Defense for Homeland Defense and Hemispheric Affairs, told lawmakers that defense officials have made progress identifying solutions designed to more effectively identify and understand “what is flying in our airspace and how to separate the negligent from the nefarious.”

The Pentagon is working with the Joint Rapid Acquisition Cell to rapidly acquire the right equipment and to give commanders better tools to “understand the operating environment and the ability to effectively conduct nonkinetic and kinetic mitigations.”

Despite the progress, Ditlevson admitted that responding to hostile unmanned aerial systems in the homeland is much more difficult than in war zones.

“The systems that have proven effective at countering UAS in the Middle East are not appropriate for the homeland given the intelligence collection required to enable these mitigation operations and the potential for collateral damage, [for example] radio frequency jamming can interfere with emergency responder radios and weather radar,” Ditlevson said in his written statement to the committee.

Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.) asked Rear Adm. Paul Spedero, vice director for operations on the Joint Chiefs of Staff, if there are capability gaps when it comes to developing “technology for trying to address kinetic and nonkinetic” to engage advanced drone technology.

Spedero admitted that the technology for drones has “far outpaced” the tech to defeat them.

“It’s a much wider, broader, deeper market for drone application, for commercial and recreational purposes. So hence that technology has evolved very quickly from radio controlled drones to now fully autonomous drones that may or may not even rely on reception of a GPS signal, which would make it very challenging to intercept so on the counter drone activity,” Spedero said. 

“You have to come back to agencies that would be interested in that like the Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, FBI, you know, law enforcement agencies. So we have to partner, and we have to create that demand within industry to get technology back on pace to counter this ever increasing emergence of drone technology.”

Spedero told Timmons that the technology many commanders have to track drones over their installations “is not sufficient. The development and fielding of “domain awareness sensors is a critical first step.”

“Obviously, we need a method to exert command and control so that we can build a common operating picture, because it will take layers of different sensors, because one sensor may be better against certain UAVs and certain flight profiles, and you may have to rely on different sensors to round out the picture,” Spedero said.

“So yes, we do need more sensors. We are addressing the shortfall right now with the fielding of flyaway kits. So these will be kits that will be available for bases that have very limited capability to detect on their own and build domain awareness.”

Spedero added, however, that commanders would first have to request the capability from U.S. Northern Command and a “flyaway kit, as well as expertise and additional resources that would be required, would be immediately deployed to that location.”

Rep. Michael Cloud (R-Texas) said one of his biggest concerns over this issue is the amount of funding legacy aircraft programs are receiving as opposed to funding drone and counter-drone technology which already plays a significant role in modern warfare.

“It seems like we’re spending about $22 billion … in the last budget on fighter jets and maybe a billion dollars on drone and counter drone technology together,” said Cloud, explaining that his numbers may be “off a bit” because funding is coming from different buckets. 

“We’re talking about one drone coming and what we can or can’t do about it. I think from the American taxpayer who’s sitting at home going, we’re spending [more than] $800 billion roughly on defense, and we can’t shoot a drone down.”

Trump: Selfridge Getting F-15EX Fighters to Replace A-10s

Trump: Selfridge Getting F-15EX Fighters to Replace A-10s

Michigan’s Selfridge Air National Guard Base will become the home of 21 F-15EX Eagle II multirole fighters, a move that will enable the base to retain a fighter mission after the looming retirement of its A-10 attack planes.

President Donald Trump announced the move in a joint visit to the base with Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, and others April 29.

“As Commander-in-Chief, I’m proud to announce that very soon, we will replace the retiring A-10 Warthogs with 21 brand-new F-15EX Eagle II fighter jets—the best in the world,” Trump said. “This will keep Selfridge at the cutting edge of northern American airpower.”

Whitmer, a Democrat who visited Trump at the White House earlier this month, has been pushing for Selfridge to maintain a fighter mission along with other Michigan lawmakers. The Air National Guard previously passed over the base when it was deciding where to base its F-35A Lightning II multirole stealth fighters.

“I’m really damn happy we’re here to celebrate this recapitalization at Selfridge,” Whitmer said. “It’s critical for the Michigan economy, for our homeland security, and our future.”

F-15EXs will begin arriving in fiscal 2028 and will be on top of previous bases slated to receive the jets, Whitmer’s office said.

“According to the Department of Defense, the F-15EXs will begin arriving in FY28, and this basing decision will not overturn other F-15EX basing actions in other states, but is rather additive,” the Michigan Governor’s Office said in a statement.

The projected F-15EX fleet had been trimmed to 98 under the Biden administration. But the plane received a boost in recent days when the Senate and House Armed Services Committee released a reconciliation package that includes $150 billion in new defense spending in fiscal 2025. That package includes $3.15 billion for more F-15EXs and could be used to fund an additional squadron, expanding the fleet to about 125 aircraft.

The F-15EX, made by Boeing, will form the backbone of the Air National Guard’s fighter fleet along with the F-35.

Portland Air National Guard Base, Ore., has started to operate the F-15EX and the plane is coming to Naval Air Station Joint Reserve Base New Orleans, La., and Fresno Air National Guard Base, Calif. Now Selfridge is joining the club.

On the Active-Duty side, Eglin Air Force Base, Fla., operates a test fleet of F-15EXs and Kadena Air Base, Japan, will eventually receive the aircraft to replace its aged-out F-15C/D Eagles.

A 142nd Wing F-15EX Eagle II takes off from Portland Air National Guard Base, Ore., on July 12, 2024, during a ceremony to welcome the aircraft. U.S. Air National Guard photo by Staff Sgt. Nichole Sanchez

Selfridge’s fighter mission has consisted of the A-10s in its 107th Fighter Squadron, which are due to be retired over the next several years.

Some A-10s from Selfridge deployed to the Middle East last fall, according to imagery released from U.S. Central Command. Photos of some A-10s in the region sported Selfridge’s “MI” tailflash, and other photos showed Airmen from the 107th Expeditionary Fighter Squadron and the 107th Expeditionary Fighter Generation Squadron.

Selfridge is also due to get a new squadron of KC-46 Pegasus tankers as its fleet of KC-135s is retired. Trump also expressed support for that move, which was decided by the Biden administration.

‘Blind Trust’: Netflix Drops Trailer for Air Force Thunderbirds Movie

‘Blind Trust’: Netflix Drops Trailer for Air Force Thunderbirds Movie

An upcoming Netflix documentary promises an inside look at the Air Force’s premier aerial demonstration team. Premiering May 23, “Air Force Elite: Thunderbirds” will showcase the skill, trust, and hard work it takes to fly six F-16 fighters in tight formation nearly every week for eight months, judging by a trailer released April 29.

“If you don’t have blind trust, this show will not work,” Lt. Col. Justin Elliot said in the trailer. Elliot commanded the team from 2022 to 2023, before the current commander, Lt. Col. Nathan Malafa, took over in 2024. 

The trailer emphasizes the high stakes and slim margins of Thunderbird performance.

“Six jets flying 18 inches apart, nearly at the speed of sound … you are microseconds of lag from a life-threatening situation,” an interviewee says over scenes of the pilots strapping into the F-16s and taking off.

“They’re already the best combat pilots the Air Force has to offer, but air demonstration is a completely different animal,” Elliot added.

“We are always under a little bit of like, the ‘I’m going to die’ factor,” said then-Thunderbird 6, Maj. Eric Tise.

The 90-minute documentary comes exactly a year after the streaming premiere of Amazon Studios’ “The Blue Angels,” a documentary of the same length about the Navy’s flagship aerial demonstration team. One of the producers for that film was Glen Powell, who starred in the 2022 film “Top Gun: Maverick,” the sequel to the 1986 naval aviation classic.

“Air Force Elite: Thunderbirds” has an even higher-profile producer team: former President and First Lady Barack and Michelle Obama. Their company Higher Ground Productions has a history of working with Netflix on shows and movies, both fiction and nonfiction. 

The documentary was directed by Matt Wilcox, who has directed at least two basketball documentaries, according to the Internet Movie Database. That background may help with a documentary about the Thunderbirds which, like a professional basketball team, involves talented individuals working long hours to put on dazzling performances on a regular basis. Except with the Thunderbirds, any mistake can end lives.

“As a newbie, there’s immense amount of pressure to get this right,” Capt. Jacob Impellizzeri said in the trailer. “You don’t want to be the reason the team fails.” 

Like the Blue Angels documentary, “Thunderbirds” seems to take viewers into the no-holds barred post-practice debrief sessions.

“We’re going to pick apart everything that went wrong, and it’s going to feel like you’re getting crushed,” Elliot said in one of those sessions featured in the trailer. 

The United States Air Force Air Demonstration Squadron “Thunderbirds” perform at the California International Air Show in Salinas, Calif. Staff Sgt. Andrew Sarver

One reviewer called the Blue Angels documentary a “visually stunning recruitment ad,” but it was well-watched, topping Amazon Prime Video’s charts over Memorial Day weekend, according to The Aviationist. 

“Thunderbirds” appears to follow the same formula, and more exposure to Air Force aviation may help shore up a long-running pilot shortage that leaves experts wondering if the service has enough fliers to win a war. 

To what extent airshows help with that shortage may soon come under scrutiny: in December, federal lawmakers asked the Department of Defense to study how military air shows affect recruiting and readiness, and to look into performing at more rural areas across the country.