The Department of the Air Force is tackling the issue of systemic racism in the same way as it does many others: by standing up a task force. The Diversity and Inclusion Task Force, created June 9, will look at how racial, ethnic, and other demographic disparities affect the Air Force and Space Force, USAF said in a July 8 release. A group of Airmen from various demographic groups and at different ranks are mulling the policies, procedures, and various other barriers that keep minority Airmen from advancing through the ranks and from feeling included in their units. Members are focusing on five areas: culture and policy; education, training, and testing; recruiting and accessions; workforce diversity; and aircrew diversity.

The Air Force should replace traditional metrics like cost per flying hour and unit price when calculating the cost of weapon systems with metrics that instead account for weapons' efficiency and effectiveness. By focusing instead on cost-per-effect, a new study argues, the Air Force can better compare options for how best to invest in the future. AFA's Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies unveiled the paper—“Resolving America’s Defense Strategy-Resource Mismatch: The Case for Cost-Per-Effect Analysis”—at an online event July 8.

When COVID-19 became a threat in early 2020, US military leaders in Okinawa quickly realized they needed a way to communicate and share resources among the services. Discussions began in January, and by late April, the Joint COVID-19 Response Center, or JCRC, was fully operational. “Being out here in Okinawa, we’re limited sometimes, especially if the supply chain is constrained, or with the travel restrictions… so with our services being able to work together, we can actually utilize our resources in a way that helps benefit the greater population of our U.S. forces,” explained Capt. Brandon Longstreet, the Air Force medical representative for the JCRC.

The coronavirus pandemic has highlighted fragility within the defense industrial base and an overreliance on Chinese manufacturers that present a security risk, prompting U.S. policymakers to look at potential changes. Without COVID-19, the Pentagon wouldn't be as aware of problems in its supply chain or of China's outsized impact, Ellen M. Lord, undersecretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment, said during a July 8 Brookings Institution event. “Now we have interest in actually making sure that we understand the fragilities in our supply chain, and that we make sure we reshore as much as possible, and also have partners and allies supporting us wherever possible,” Lord said.

Rep. Mac Thornberry (R-Texas) hopes a small addition to fiscal 2021 defense legislation will make a big difference in how the Pentagon spends its money. The top Republican on the House Armed Services Committee argues Congress should let the military roll over as much as half of its annual operations and maintenance funding to the next year. O&M money, by far the Pentagon’s biggest account, expires at the end of each fiscal year, prompting a scramble to spend the entire pot by Sept. 30 every year. The Defense Department wants to spend nearly $290 billion on operations and maintenance in 2021, about $125 billion more than the next-largest category of personnel. If Thornberry’s proposal is implemented, the move could help the U.S. shrink defense spending over time.

On March 23, the Air Force Association's Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies will host a virtual Nuclear Deterrence Series event featuring Scowcroft Group Principal Frank Miller. At a time when nuclear modernization programs are accelerating around the world, proposals to recapitalize the U.S. nuclear arsenal are at the forefront of debates over defense spending. Miller will share his insights into the prospects for U.S. nuclear modernization programs and the value of nuclear deterrence in today's competitive security environment. The think tank will post event video on its website and YouTube page after the live event.